I 


Division  .XJX^^- 
Section*  jUfSP 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


I3MO,  ILLUSTRATED.     PER  VOL. ,  $1 .50 


THE   EARLIER  VOLUMES  ARE 

THE  STORY  OF  GREECE.    By  Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison 

THE  STORY  OF  ROME.    By  Arthur  Gilman 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  JEWS.    By  Prof.  Jas.  K.  Hosmer 

THE  STORY  OF  CHALDEA.    By  Z.  A.  Ragozin 

THE  STORY  OF  GERMANY.    By  S.  Baring-Gould 

THE  STORY  OF  NORWAY.    By  Prof.  H.  H.  Boyesen 

THE  STORY  OF  SPAIN.    By  E.  E.  and  Susan  Hale 

THE  STORY  OF  HUNGARY.    By  Prof.  A.  Vambery 

THE  STORY  OF  CARTHAGE.    By  Prof.  Alfred  J.  Chubch 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  SARACENS.    By  Arthur  Gilman 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.    By  Stanley  Lane-Pooh 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  NORMANS.    By  Sarah  O.  Jewett 

THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA.    By  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin 

THE  STORY  OF  ANCIENT  EGYPT.    By  Geo.  Rawlinson 

THE  STORY  OF  ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE.    By  Prof.  J.  P.  Mahafpy 

THE  STORY  OF  ASSYRIA.    By  Z.  A.  Ragozin 

THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND.    By  Hon.  Emily  Lawless 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  GOTHS.   By  Henry  Bradley 

THE  STORY  OF  TURKEY.    By  Stanley  Lane-Poole 

THE  STORY  OF  MEDIA.  BABYLON,  AND  PERSIA.   By  Z.  A.  Ragozin 

THE  STORY  OF  MEDIAEVAL  FRANCE.    By  Gustaye  Masson 

THE  STORY  OF  MEXICO.    By  Susan  Hale 

THE  STORY  OF  HOLLAND.    By  James  E.  Thorold  Rogers 

THE  STORY  OF  PHOENICIA.    By  George  Rawlinson 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  HANSA  TOWNS.     By  Helen  Zimmern. 

For  prospectus  of  the  series  see  end  of  this  volume. 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 


ijhc  ^jtorn  of  llu  Rations 


THE  STORY  OF  THE 


BARBARY  CORSAIRS 


BY 


STANLEY  LANE-POOLE 

AUTHOR  OF  "THE  LIIE  OK  LORD  STRATFORD  DE  REDCLIFFE,"  "  TURKEY  " 
"THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN,"  ETC.,  ETC. 


WITH  THE  COLLABORATION  OF 

LIEUT.  J.  D.  JERROLD  KELLEY,  U.  S.  NAVY 


NEW  YORK 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
LONDON:  T.  FISHER  UNWIN 
1890 


Copyright 
By  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 
1890 

Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London 

By  T.  Fisher  Unwin 


Press  of 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 
New  York 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 
I. 

PAGES 

The  Revenge  of  the  Moors  .       .       .       .  3-13 

Centuries  of  piracy,  3 — The  Moslems  take  to  the  sea,  4 — 
African  fleets,  7 — Effects  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors  from 
Spain,  8 — The  delights  of  piracy,  9 — Retaliation  of  the  Moors, 
10 — Don  Pedro  Navarro,  12 — The  building  of  the  Penon  de 
Alger,  13. 

II. 

The  Land  of  the  Corsairs    ....  14-27 

The  Barbary  Peninsula,  14 — Command  of  the  narrow  seas,  15 
— Barbary  ports  and  havens,  16 — Character  of  the  country, 
20 — North-African  dynasties,  21 — Relations  between  the  rulers 
of  Barbary  and  the  Christian  Stales,  22 — Piracy  discoucte- 
nanced,  24 — Christian  Corsairs,  25 — Growth  of  sea-roving,  26 
— The  coming  of  the  Turks,  27. 


PART  I. 

THE  CORSAIR  ADMIRALS. 
III. 

Uruj  Barbarossa.    1504-1515        .       .       .  31-44 


Lesbos,  31 — Birth  of  Uruj  and  Kheyr-ed-dln  Barbarossa,  31  — 
Arrival  of  Uruj  at  Tunis,  32 — Capture  of  Papal  galleys,  35 — 


viii 


CONTENTS. 


The  epithet  Barba-rossa,  36 — Galley  slaves,  39 — Jerba,  40 — 
Unsuccessful  siege  of  Bujeya,  41 — Doria  besieges  the  Goletta  of 
Tunis,  43 — Second  attack  on  Bujeya,  44 — Uruj  becomes  king 
of  Jijil,  44. 

IV. 

The  Taking  of  Algiers.    1516-1518     .       .  45-52 

Death  of  Ferdinand,  45 — Algerines  appeal  to  Uruj  to  deliver 
them  from  the  Spaniards,  46 — His  doings  at  Algiers,  49  — 
Defeat  of  a  Spanish  armada,  50 — Victory  over  the  prince  of 
Tinnis,  50 — Great  authority  of  Uruj,  51 — Expedition  of  the 
Marquis  de  Comares,  51 — Death  of  Uruj  Barbarossa,  52. 

V. 

Kheyr-ed-din  Barbarossa.    15 18-1530  .       .  53-60 

Departure  of  the  Spanish  troops,  53 — Character  of  Kheyr-ed- 
din,  S3 — Policy  toward-  the  Sultan,  54 — Is  made  Beglerbeg  of 
Algiers  54 — Disaster  to  Don  Hugo  de  Moncada,  55 — Kheyr- 
ed-din's  cruises  and  his  captains,  56 — "  Drub-Devil  "  at 
Majorca,  57 — Defeat  of  Portundo,  58 — Storming  of  the  Penon 
de  Alger,  59 — Kheyr-ed-din's  fleet,  59. 

VI. 

The  Ottoman  Navy.    1470-1522    .       .       .  61-75 

Rise  of  the  Turkish  navy,  61 — Rivalry  of  Genoa  and  Venice, 
62 — The  fleet  of  Mohammed  II.,  65 — The  Knights  Hospi- 
tallers, 66 — Ship  building  at  Constantinople,  66 — The  Bati'e 
of  Zonchio,  68 — Fall  of  Lepanto,  71 — Decline  of  Venice,  71 — 
Siege  of  Rhodes,  73 — Kheyr-ed-din  summoned  to  the  Porte,  75. 

VII. 

Doria  and  Barbarossa.    1533        .       .       •  76-83 

Andrea  Doria,  76 — Change  of  sides,  77 — The  two  rivals,  78 — 
Doria's  conquest  of  Coron,  78 — Relief  of  Coron,  81 — Kheyr- 
ed-din  sails  to  Constantinople,  82 — Is  made  Admiral,  83 — 
Building  galleys,  83. 


CONTENTS. 
VIII. 


ix 

PAGES 


Tunis  Taken  and  Lost,    i 534— 1535      .       .  84-93 

Kheyr-ed-cttn  ravages  the  coasts  of  Italy,  84 — Giulia  Gonzaga, 
84 — The  Beni-Hafs  of  Tunis,  85 — Conquest  of  Tunis  by 
Kheyr-ed-din,  86 — Charles  V.  goes  to  Tunis,  86 — Defeat  of 
Kheyr-ed-din,  89 — Brutality  of  the  Imperial  troops,  90 — Joy 
throughout  Christendom,  91 — Kheyr-ed-din's  expedition  to 
Minorca,  93. 

IX. 

The  Sea-fight  off  Prevf.sa.    1537        .       .  94-104 

Kheyr-ed-din  and  Venice,  94 — Venetian  provocations,  95 — 
Doria  off  Paxos,  95 — Kheyr-ed-din  lays  waste  the  Apulian 
coast,  96 — Siege  of  Corfu  by  the  Turks,  96 — Abandoned,  97 — 
A  raid  among  the  isles  of  Greece,  97 — Rich  prizes,  97 — Kheyr- 
ed-din  sails  to  combat  Doria,  98 — Battle  off  Prevesa,  101  — 
Doria's  galleasses,  102 — Hesitation  of  the  Christians,  103 — 
Doria's  seamanship  and  Kheyr-ed-din's  audacity,  104. 

v 

Barbarossa  in  France.    1539-1546       .       .  105-111 

Kheyr-ed-din  retakes  Castelnuovo,  105 — Is  invited  by  Francis 
I.  to  come  to  Marseilles,  106 — Attacks  Nice,  109 — Winters  at 
Toulon,  109 — Ransoms  Dragut,  1 10 — Returns  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  dies,  m — His  tomb  at  Beshiktash,  ill. 

XI. 

Charles  at  Algiers.    1541     ....  11 2-1 23 

Barbarossa's  successors  at  Algiers,  112 — Charles  V.  resolves  to 
destroy  piracy,  113 — The  expedition  to  Algiers  113 — Stormy 
voyage,  114 — The  Christian  fleet,  114 — Landing  at  Algiers, 
117 — Effects  of  the  rains,  118  —  Repulse  of  the  besiegers,  1 18 
— Panic  in  the  camp  allayed  by  the  Emperor,  119 — The 
Storm,  119 — Charles  orders  a  retreat,  120 — The  remnant  of 
the  army  sails  away,  121 — Another  tempest,  122 — Total  failure 
of  the  expedition,  123. 


X 


CONTEXTS. 


XII. 

Dragut  Reis.    1543-1560       ....  124-140 

Dragut  or  Torghud  the  Rover,  124 — His  captivity.  127 — His 
lair  at  Jerba,  128 — The  city  of  "Africa,"  128 — Early  siege  of 
"Africa"  by  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  131 — Retreat,  133 — 
"Africa"  (Mahdiya)  taken  by  Dragut,  133 — Retaken  by  Doria 
and  Garcia  de  Toledo,  134 — Dragut's  escape  from  Jerba,  135 
— He  joins  the  Ottoman  navy,  136 — Attack  on  Malta,  136 — 
Siege  and  conquest  of  Tripoli,  137 — Christian  fleets  assemble 
for  recapture  of  Tripoli,  138 — Disaster  at  Jerba,  139-140. 


XIII. 

The  Knights  of  Malta.    1565       .       .       .  141-159 

Activity  of  Maltese  galleys,  141 — Fortifications  of  Malta,  142 
— Description  of  Malta,  in  1565,  143 — The  Turkish  forces, 
144 — Jean  de  la  Valeite,  145 — Arrival  of  Dragut,  14^ — Siege 
of  Fort  St.  Elmo,  147  — Fall  of  St.  Elmo,  149— Death  of 
Dragut,  149 — Siei;e  of  Fort  St.  Michael,  150 — Ten  assaults, 
155— A  false  alarm,  157 — Last  assault,  158— Arrival  of  re- 
lieving army,  158 — The  survivors  of  the  siege,  159. 


XIV. 

Lepanto.    1571  160-173 

Re-ults  of  the  siege  of  Malta,  160 — Ochiali,  161 — The  Turks 
lay  siege  10  Cyprus,  162 — Jealousies  among  the  Christian 
admirals,  163 — Cy  rus  occupied  by  the  Turks,  164 — Efforts 
of  Pope  Pins  V.,  164 — Don  John  of  Austria,  167 — Muster 
of  the  Christian  fleets,  167 — The  Turkish  armada.  173 — Meet- 
ing of  the  hostile  fleets.  173 — Giovanni  Doria's  tactics,  175 — 
Marshalling  of  the  Turkish  array.  175— Beginning  of  the 
battle,  176 — The  victory,  177 — Cervantes.  177 — Subs"-;  .*. 
career  and  death  of  Don  John,  178. 


COX  TENTS. 


XI 


PART  II. 

THE    PETTY  PIRATES. 

XV. 

PAGES 

The  General  of  the  Galleys.    \dth-\Wi  Centuries. 

181-199 

The  last  of  the  great  Corsairs,  181 — Ochiali,  182 — Pashas  of 
Algiers,  185 — Renegades  succeeded  by  Turks,  185 — Beys  of 
Tunis,  186 — Blackmail  levied  on  the  Christian  Powers,  186 — 
Deys  of  Algiers,  187 — Violent  deaths,  187 — Morocco,  188 — 
Sale  rovers,  188— Delgarno,  188 — Chevalier  Acton,  191 — 
Murad  Reis,  192 — 'AH  Pichinin,  194 — Defeated  by  Venetians, 
194 — His  slaves,  195 — His  theology,  199. 

XVI. 

Galleys  and  Galley  Slaves.    i6fh  Century    .  200-225 

The  Renegade  Corsairs,  200 — Their  cruises,  201 — Description 
of  different  classes  of  galleys,  205 — -Furttenbach's  account,  206 
— Rig  and  armament,  213 — Galley-oars,  214 — Sufferings  of  the 
slaves,  215 — The  boatswains,  216 — Christian  galleys,  217 — 
Ship's  company,  218 — Barbary  galleot,  218 — Building,  219 — 
Strength  of  Algerine  fleet,  219 — Captains,  220 — Launching  a 
galley,  220— The  rowers  and  owners,  221 — Soldiers,  221  — 
Food,  222 — Auguration.  222 — Time  of  cruising,  speed,  and 
manoeuvre.  222-223 — Ports  of  refuge,  223-4 — Mode  of  i.ttack, 
224 — Division  of  spoils,  224 — Return  to  port  with  a  prize, 
225. 

XVII. 

The  Triumph  of  Sails.    17//Z  Century     .       .  226-234 

European  ship-builders  in  Barbary,  226 — The  galley  super- 
seded by  the  galleon  or  -hip,  229 — Depredations  of  the  Algerine 
sailing-ships,  229 — Fighting  a  Turkish  caramuzel,  231 — Raids 
on  Madeira,  Denmark,  Iceland,  and  Ireland,  232 — Losses  of 
the  French,  234. 


xii 


CONTENTS. 


XVIII. 

The  Redemption  of  Captives,    iyt/1  and  \Wi  Cen- 
turies   235-255 

Slaves  on  shore,  235 — Dan's  account,  236 — Cruelty  the  ex- 
ception, 241 — Government  slaves,  242 — Sale  of  captives,  243 
— Pitiful  history  of  four  Knights  of  Malta,  244 — Cervantes 
in  captivity,  246 — Attempts  to  escape,  247 — The  Order  of 
the  Redemption,  251 — Father  Dan  and  the  mission  of  San- 
son le  Page,  252 — Arrival  of  the  new  Pasha  at  Algiers,  253 
— The  Bastion  de  France,  254 — Father  Comelin,  255. 

XIX. 

The  Abasement  of  Europe.   i6t/i  to  \Wi  Centuries. 

256-273 

Arrogance  of  the  Barbary  States,  256 — Humiliations  imposed 
upon  foreign  envoys,  257 — Extortion  of  blackmail  from  Eu- 
ropean Powers,  259 — Treatment  of  consuls,  260 — Piracy  on 
the  high  sea,  265 — Mr.  Spratt's  captivity,  266 — Ransoms  by 
English  government,  267 — Adventures  of  captives,  267 — 
Admiral  Blake  at  Porto  Farina,  269 — False  passes,  270— 
Failure  of  all  remonstrances,  271-3. 

XX. 

The  United  States  and  Tripoli.    1803-5    •  274_29r 

Piracy  on  American  ships,  274 — Threats  of  the  Pirates,  275 
— Squadrons  sent  to  refuse  tribute,  276 — Commodore  Preble, 
276 — Tangiers  brought  to  reason,  277 — The  loss  of  the 
Philadelphia,  279 — Decatur  succeeds  in  burning  her,  2S7 — 
Attack  on  Tripoli,  289 — Treaty  signed,  290. 

XXI. 

The  Battle  of  Algiers.    1816     .       .       .  292-300 

Proceedings  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet,  292 — American 
treaty  with  Algiers,  293 — Lord  Exmouth's  expedition,  293 — 
His  success  at  Tunis,  294 — Princess  Caroline,  295 — Bom- 
bardment of  Algiers,  297 — Treaty  ineffectual,  299. 


CONTENTS. 


xiii 


XXII. 

The  French  in  Africa.    1830-1881       .       .  301-310 

French  quarrel  with  Algiers,  301 — Duperre's  expedition,  302 
— Surrender  of  Algiers  and  departure  of  the  last  Dey,  302 — 
Cruelties  in  French  occupation  of  Algiers,  303 — 'Abd-el-Kadir 
leads  the  Arabs,  305 — His  victories  and  reverses  306 — His 
submission  and  exile,  306 — Subsequent  French  policy  in 
Algiers,  307 — The  invasion  of  Tunis,  307 — Perfidy  of  the 
French  Government,  308 — A  reign  of  terror,  309. 


Indi  x 


3i« 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


ALGIERS,   1700  . 

GALLEON  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY  . 
CARAVEL  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY  . 
THE  BARBARY  PENINSULA 
A  MAP  OF  THE  KINGDOMS  OF  BARBARY 
TUNIS  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 
GALLEY  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

JIJIL,  1664  

ALGIERS  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 
OBSERVATION  WITH  THE  CROSSBOW 
AN  ADMIRAL'S  GALLEY  . 
GALLEASSE  ..... 
ANDREA  DORIA  .... 
TUNIS,   1566  .... 
COMPASS  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 
OBSERVATION  WITH  THE  ASTROLABE 
GALLEY  AT  ANCHOR 
SIEGE  OF  ALGIERS,  1541 
CASTLE  OF  JERBA  .... 
SIEGE  OF  "AFRICA,"  I39O 


HAl.E 

Front  isfiec  ■ 


XVI 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 

GREEK  FIRE  131 

MEDIEVAL  FIREARMS  132 

MEDIEVAL  PROJECTILES  ......  132 

SKETCH  OF  THE  PORT  OF  MALTA  IN   1 5 65        .        1 5  2,  1 53 

ENGAGEMENT  BETWEEN  A  SPANISH  GALLEON  AND  A 

DUTCH  SHIP  165 

ARABIC  ASTROLABE  (TWO  POSITIONS)        .  .         I  70,  1 7  I 


TUNIS  IN   1573  ..... 

SALE  IN   1637  ..... 

FIGHT    OF    THE    "MARY    ROSE"    WITH  ALGERINE 
PIRATES,  1669  .... 

GALLEY  RUNNING  BEFORE  THE  WIND 

STAGES  IN  BUILDING  A  GALLEY 

PLAN  AND  SECTIONS  OF  A  GALLEY 

HOLD  OF  A  GALLEY  .... 

GALLEASSE  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY 

ANCHOR   

TORMENTS  OF  THE  SLAVES 

TORMENTS  OF  THE  SLAVES 

FATHERS  OF  THE  REDEMPTION 

TRIPOLI   


183 
189 

197 
203 
207 
209 
211 
227 
232 
237 

239 
249 
28l 


*„*  These  illustrations  are  chiefly  reproduced  from  La  Sphere  des 
deux  Mondes,  composee  en  Frangois,  par  Darinel  pasteur  des  Amadis, 
Anvers,  I55S;  Furttenbach's  Architectura  Navalis,  1629;  Dan's 
Histoire  de  Barbaric,  1637  ;  Ogilby's  Africa,  1670;  Adm.  Jurien 
de  la  Graviere's  Derniers  Jours  de  la  Marine  a  Fames ;  and  the  maps 
[63842.  (3.) — S.  9.  9.  (39). — S.  10.  2.— 64162.  (2.)— 64043.  (1.)]  in  the 
British  Museum. 


LIST  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  AUTHORITIES 

CONSULTED. 


Batuta,  Ibn-  :  Voyages.    Ed.  Defremery.    4  vols.  Par's.  1874-9. 
BRAITHWAITE,  J.  :  History  of  the  Revolutions   in   the  Emhire  of 

Morocco  upon  the  death  of  the  late  Emperor  Muley  Ishmacl.  1729. 
Brantome,  P.  de  Bourdeille,    Seign.  de.  :  Homines  illustres. 

QLuvres,  Vols.  1  anil  2.    Paris.    1 822. 
Broadley,  A.  M.  :  Turn's,  East  and  Present.    2  vols.  1882. 
Celesia,  E.  :  Conspiracy  of  l-ies.  hi.     E.  T.  1866. 
Cervantes:  Don  Quixote.    Trans.  H.  E.  Watts.    5  vols.  1888-9. 
Chenier,  L.  S.  :  Present  State  of  the  Empire  of  Morocco.  E.  T.  1788 
Cruellies  of  the  Algeiine  Pirates.  1816. 

Dan,  Pere  F.  :  Histoire  de  Barbarie  et  de  ses  Corsaires.     2nd  ed. 
Paris.  1649. 

Eurisi,  El-:  Description  de  1' Afrique  et  de  V Espagne.    Edd.  Dozy 

and  De  Goeje.    Leyden.  1866. 
Froissart,  J.  :  Chronicles.    Trans.  T.  Johnes.    2  vols.  1844. 
Furttenbach,  J.  :  Archilechira  Navalis :  das  ist,   Von  dem  Schiff- 
Gebaw,  auf  dem  Meer  und  Seekusten  zu  Gebrauchen.    Ulm.  1629. 
GRAVIERE,  Adm.  Jurien  dela  :  Les  Derniers  Jours  de  la  Marine  ii 

Rames.    Paris.  1885. 
,,  :  Doria  et  Barberotisse.  1886. 

,,  :  Les  Corsaires  Barbaresques.  1887. 

,,  :  Les  Chevaliers  de  Malie,  2  vols.  1887. 

,,  :  La  Guerre  de  Chypre,   2  vols.  1888. 

Grammont,  H.  :  Histoire  a"  A  Iger.  1887. 

Haedo,  Diego  DE  :  Topographia  e  Historia  General  de  Argel.  Valla- 
dolid.  161 2. 

Hajji  Khalifa  :  History  of  the  Maritime  Wars  of  the  Turks. 
Hammer,  J.  von.  :   Geschichte  des  Osmanischeh  Reiches.     2nd  ed. 
4  vols.    Pesth.  1834-6. 


x\  iii 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


Journal  Asialique :  Ser.  II.,  iv.,  xii.  ;  III.,  xi.,  xii.,  xiii.  ;  IV.,  iii.,  v., 
vii..  x.,  xviii.  ;  V.,  ii.,  v.,  vi.,  xii.,  xiii.  ;  VI.,  xviii.  ;  VII.,  vii. 

Makmol,  Luvs  del  Caravajal  :  Description  de  Africa.  Granada. 
1573- 

Mas-La  i  rie,  Comte  DE  :  Relations  el  commerce  de  T Afrique  Septen- 
trionale  (ou  Magreb)  avec  les  nations  chretiennes  au  moyen  Age. 
Paris.  1886. 

Morgan,  J.  :  A  complete  History  of  Algiers.  1731. 
PLAYKAIR,  Sir  R.  L.  :  The  Scourge  of  Christendom.  1884. 
Reclus,  Elisee  :  Nouvelle  Geographic  Universelle.    XI.  Paris. 
Regis/re  des  Prises.    Algiers.  1872. 

Rousseau,  Baron  A.  :  Annates  Tunisiennes.    Algiers.  1864. 

,,  :  History   of  the   Conquest  of   Tunis   by  the 

Ottomans.  1883. 

Shaw,  T.  :  Travels  hi  Barbary  and  the  Levant.  3rd  ed.  Edinb.  1808. 
WlNDUS,  J.  :  Journey  to  Mequinez.  1725. 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE   BARBARY  CORSAIRS. 


i. 

THE   REVENGE    OF    THE  MOORS. 

FOR  more  than  three  centuries  the  trading  nations 
of  Europe  were  suffered  to  pursue  their  commerce 
or  forced  to  abandon  their  gains  at  the  bidding  of 
pirates.  From  the  days  when  Barbarossa  defied  the 
whole  strength  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  to  the 
early  part  of  the  present  century,  when  prizes  were 
taken  by  Algerine  rovers  under  the  guns,  so  to  say, 
of  all  the  fleets  of  Europe,  the  Corsairs  were  masters 
of  the  narrow  seas,  and  dictated  their  own  terms  to 
all  comers.  Nothing  but  the  creation  of  the  large 
standing  navies  of  the  present  age  crippled  them  ; 
nothing  less  than  the  conquest  of  their  too  con- 
venient coasts  could  have  thoroughly  suppressed 
them.  During  those  three  centuries  they  levied 
blackmail  upon  all  who  had  any  trading  interest  in 
the  Mediterranean.  The  Venetians,  Genoese,  Pisans 
in  older  days  ;  the  English,  French,  Dutch,  Danish, 
Swedish,  and  American  Governments  in  modern 
times,  purchased  security  by  the  payment  of  a  re- 


4 


THE  REVENGE  OF  THE  MOORS. 


gular  tribute,  or  by  the  periodical  presentation  of 
costly  gifts.  The  penalty  of  resistance  was  too  well 
known  to  need  exemplification  ;  thousands  of  Chris- 
tian slaves  in  the  bagnios  at  Algiers  bore  witness 
to  the  consequences  of  an  independent  policy.  So 
long  as  the  nations  of  Europe  continued  to  quarrel 
among  themselves,  instead  of  presenting  a  united  line 
of  battle  to  the  enemy,  such  humiliations  had  to  be 
endured  ;  so  long  as  a  Corsair  raid  upon  Spain  suited 
the  policy  of  France  ;  so  long  as  the  Dutch,  in  their 
jealousy  of  other  states,  could  declare  that  Algiers 
was  necessary  to  them  ;  there  was  no  chance  of  the 
plague  subsiding ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  close  of 
the  great  Napoleonic  wars  that  the  Powers  agreed, 
at  the  Congress  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  in  1818,  to  act 
together,  and  do  away  with  the  scourge  of  Christen- 
dom. And  even  then  little  was  accomplished  till 
France  combined  territorial  aggrandizement  with  the 
role  of  a  civilizing  influence. 

There  had  been  pirates  in  the  Mediterranean  long 
before  the  Turks  took  up  the  trade  ;  indeed,  ever 
since  boats  were  built  their  capabilities  for  plunder 
must  have  been  realized.  The  filibustering  expedi- 
tion of  Jason  and  the  loot  of  the  Golden  Fleece  is 
an  early  instance,  and  the  Greeks  at  all  times  have 
distinguished  themselves  by  acting  up  to  Jason's 
example  by  sea  and  land.  The  Moslems,  however, 
were  some  time  in  accustoming  themselves  to  the 
perils  of  the  deep.  At  first  they  marvelled  greatly 
at  "  those  that  go  down  to  the  sea  in  ships,  and  have 
their  business  in  great  waters,"  but  they  did  not 
hasten  to  follow  them.     In  the  early  days  of  the 


GALLEON    OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 

(Jurien  de  la  Giavicre.) 


AFRICAN  FLEETS. 


7 


conquest  of  Egypt  the  Khalif  'Omar  wrote  to  his 
general  and  asked  him  what  the  sea  was  like,  to 
which  'Amr  made  answer  :  "  The  Sea  is  a  huge 
beast  which  silly  folk  ride  like  worms  on  logs ; " 
whereupon,  much  distressed,  the  prudent  Khalif 
gave  orders  that  no  Moslem  should  voyage  on  so 
unruly  an  element  without  his  leave.  But  it  soon 
became  clear  that  if  the  Moslems  were  to  hold 
their  own  with  their  neighbours  (still  more  if  they 
meant  to  hold  their  neighbours'  own)  they  must 
learn  how  to  navigate  ;  and  accordingly,  in  the  first 
century  of  the  Hijra,  we  find  the  Khalif  Abd-el- 
Melik  instructing  his  lieutenant  in  Africa  to  use 
Tunis  as  an  arsenal  and  dockyard,  and  there  to 
collect  a  fleet.  From  that  time  forward  the  Moham- 
medan rulers  of  the  Barbary  coast  were  never  long 
without  ships  of  some  sort.  The  Aghlabi  princes 
sailed  forth  from  Tunis,  and  took  Sicily,  Sardinia, 
and  Corsica.  The  FatimI  Khalifs  waged  war  with 
the  navies  of  Abd-er-Rahman,  the  Great  Khalif  of 
Cordova,  at  a  strength  of  two  hundred  vessels  a 
side.  The  Almohades  possessed  a  large  and 
capacious  fleet,  in  which  they  transported  their 
armies  to  Spain,  and  their  successors  in  North 
Africa,  though  less  powerful,  were  generally  able 
to  keep  up  a  number  of  vessels  for  offensive  as  well 
as  commercial  purposes. 

During  the  later  Middle  Ages  the  relations  be- 
tween the  rulers  of  the  Barbary  coast — the  kings 
of  Tunis,  Tilimsan,  Fez,  &c— and  the  trading  nations 
of  Christendom  were  amicable  and  just.  Treaties 
show  that  both  parties  agreed  in  denouncing  and  (so 


8 


THE  REVENGE  OF  THE  MOORS. 


far  as  they  could)  suppressing  piracy  and  encouraging 
mutual  commerce.  It  was  not  till  the  beginning  of 
the  sixteenth  century  that  a  change  came  over  these 
peaceful  conditions,  and  the  way  it  happened  was 
this. 

When  the  united  wisdom  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  resolved  on  the  expatriation  of  the 
Spanish  Moors,  they  forgot  the  risk  of  an  exile's 
vengeance.1  No  sooner  was  Granada  fallen  than 
thousands  of  desperate  Moors  left  the  land  which 
for  seven  hundred  years  had  been  their  home,  and, 
disdaining  to  live  under  a  Spanish  yoke,  crossed 
the  strait  to  Africa,  where  they  established  them- 
selves at  various  strong  points,  such  as  Shershel, 
Oran,  and  notably  at  Algiers,  which  till  then  had 
hardly  been  heard  of.  No  sooner  were  the  banished 
Moors  fairly  settled  in  their  new  seats  than  they  did 
what  anybody  in  their  place  would  have  done :  they 
carried  the  war  into  their  oppressors'  country.  To 
meet  the  Spaniards  in  the  open  field  was  impossible 
in  their  reduced  numbers,  but  at  sea  their  fleetness 
and  knowledge  of  the  coasts  gave  them  the  oppor- 
tunity of  reprisal  for  which  they  longed. 

Science,  tradition,  and  observation  inform  us  that 
primitive  man  had  certain  affinities  to  the  beast  of 
prey.  By  superior  strength  or  ingenuity  he  slew  or 
snared  the  means  of  subsistence.  Civilized  man 
leaves  the  coarsest  forms  of  slaughter  to  a  profes- 
sional class,  and,  if  he  kills  at  all,  elevates  his  pastime 
to  the  rank  of  sport  by  the  refining  element  of  skill 
and  the  excitement  of  uncertainty  and  personal  risk. 
»  See  S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Story  of  the  Moors  in  Spain,  232-280. 


IN  PRAISE  OF  PIRACY. 


9 


But  civilized  man  is  still  only  too  prone  to  prey  upon 
his  fellows,  though  hardly  in  the  brutal  manner  of 
his  ancestors.  He  preys  upon  inferior  intelligence, 
upon  weakness  of  character,  upon  the  greed  and 
upon  the  gambling  instinct  of  mankind.  In  the 
grandest  scale  he  is  called  a  financier ;  in  the 
meanest,  a  pickpocket.  This  predatory  spirit  is  at 
once  so  ancient  and  so  general,  that  the  reader, 
who  is,  of  course,  wholly  innocent  of  such  reprehen- 
sible tendencies,  must  nevertheless  make  an  effort 
to  understand  the  delights  of  robbery  considered  as 
a  fine  art.  Some  cynics  there  are  who  will  tell  us 
that  the  only  reason  we  are  not  all  thieves  is  because 
we  have  not  pluck  enough  ;  and  there  must  certainly 
be  some  fascination,  apart  from  natural  depravity  or 
original  sin,  to  make  a  man  prefer  to  run  countless 
risks  in  an  unlawful  pursuit  sooner  than  do  an  honest 
day's  work.  And  in  this  sentence  we  have  the 
answer  :  It  is  precisely  the  risk,  the  uncertainty,  the 
danger,  the  sense  of  superior  skill  and  ingenuity,  that 
attract  the  adventurous  spirit,  the  passion  for  sport, 
which  is  implanted  in  the  vast  majority  of  mankind. 

Our  Moorish  robbers  had  all  this,  and  more,  to 
attract  them.  Brave  and  daring  men  they  had 
shown  themselves  often  before  in  their  tussles  with 
the  Spaniards,  or  in  their  wild  sea  courses  and 
harryings  of  Christian  shores,  in  Sardinia,  perhaps, 
or  Provence  ;  but  now  they  pursued  a  quest  alluring 
beyond  any  that  had  gone  before,  a  righteous  ven- 
geance upon  those  who  had  banished  them  from 
house  and  home,  and  cast  them  adrift  to  find  what 
new  anchorage  they  might  in  the  world — a  Holy 


10  THE  REVENGE  OF  THE  MOORS. 


War  against  the  slaughterers  of  their  kith  and  kin, 
and  the  blasphemers  of  their  sacred  Faith.  What 
joy  more  fierce  and  jubilant  than  to  run  the  light 
brigantine  down  the  beach  of  Algiers  and  man  her 
for  a  cruise  in  Spanish  waters  ?  The  little  ship  will 
hold  but  ten  oars  a  side,  each  pulled  by  a  man  who 
knows  how  to  fight  as  well  as  to  row — as  indeed  he 
must,  for  there  is  no  room  for  mere  landsmen  on 
board  a  firkata.  But  if  there  be  a  fair  wind  off  the 
land,  there  will  be  little  rowing  ;  the  big  lateen  sail 
on  her  one  mast  will  span  the  narrow  waters  between 
the  African  coast  and  the  Balearic  Isles,  where  a 
convenient  look-out  may  be  kept  for  Spanish  galleons 
or  perhaps  an  Italian  polacca.  Drawing  little  water, 
a  small  squadron  of  brigantines  could  be  pushed  up 
almost  any  creek,  or  lie  hidden  behind  a  rock,  till 
the  enemy  hove  in  sight.  Then  oars  out,  and  a 
quick  stroke  for  a  few  minutes,  and  they  are  along- 
side their  unsuspecting  prey,  and  pouring  in  their 
first  volley.  Then  a  scramble  on  board,  a  hand-to- 
hand  scuffle,  a  last  desperate  resistance  on  the  poop, 
under  the  captain's  canopy,  and  the  prize  is  taken, 
the  prisoners  ironed,  a  jury  crew  sent  on  board,  and 
all  return  in  triumph  to  Algiers,  where  they  are 
received  with  acclamations. 

Or  it  might  be  a  descent  on  the  shores  of  their  own 
beloved  Andalusia.  Then  the  little  vessels  are  run 
into  the  crevices  between  the  rocks,  or  even  buried  in 
the  sand,  and  the  pirates  steal  inland  to  one  of  the 
villages  they  know  so  well,  and  the  loss  of  which  they 
will  never  cease  to  mourn.  They  have  still  friends 
a-many  in  Spain,  who  are  willing  enough  to  help 


RAIDS  UPON  SPAIN. 


II 


them  against  the  oppressor  and  to  hide  them  when 
surprised.  The  sleeping  Spaniards  are  roused  and 
then  grimly  silenced  by  the  points  of  swords  ;  their 
wives  and  daughters  are  borne  away  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  invaders  ;  everything  valuable  is  cleared  ;  and 


CARAVEL  OF  THE   FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 

(Jivien  de  la  Graviire.) 


the  rovers  are  soon  sailing  merrily  into  the  roads 
at  Algiers,  laden  with  spoil  and  captives,  and  often 
with  some  of  the  persecuted  remnant  of  their  race, 
who  thankfully  rejoin  their  kinsmen  in  the  new 


12 


THE  REVENGE  OF  THE  MOORS. 


country.  To  wreak  such  vengeance  on  the  Spaniard 
added  a  real  zest  to  life. 

With  all  their  skill  and  speed,  their  knowledge  of 
the  coasts,  and  the  help  of  their  compatriots  ashore, 
there  was  still  the  risk  of  capture.  Sometimes  their 
brigantines  "  caught  a  Tartar "  when  they  expected 
an  easy  victim,  and  then  the  Moors  found  the  tables 
turned,  and  had  to  grace  their  captors'  triumph,  and 
for  years,  perhaps  for  ever,  to  sit  on  the  banks  of  a 
Venetian  or  Genoese  galley,  heavily  chained,  pulling 
the  infidel's  oar  even  in  the  chase  of  the  true  believers, 
and  gazing  to  satiety  upon  the  weals  which  the  lash 
kept  raw  on  the  bare  back  of  the  man  in  front.  But 
the  risk  added  a  zest  to  the  Corsair's  life,  and  the 
captive  could  often  look  forward  to  the  hope  of 
recapture,  or  sometimes  of  ransom  by  his  friends. 
The  career  of  the  pirate,  with  all  its  chances,  was 
a  prosperous  one.  The  adventurers  grew  rich,  and 
their  strong  places  on  the  Baibary  coast  became 
populous  and  well  garrisoned  ;  and,  by  the  time 
the  Spaniards  began  to  awake  to  the  danger  of 
letting  such  troublesome  neighbours  alone,  the  evil 
was  past  a  cure.  For  twenty  years  the  exiled  Moors 
had  enjoyed  immunity,  while  the  big  Spanish  galleys 
were  obstinately  held  in  port,  contemptuous  of  so 
small  a  foe.  At  last  Don  Pedro  Navarro  was  de- 
spatched by  Cardinal  Ximenes  to  bring  the  pirates 
to  book.  He  had  little  difficulty  in  taking  possession 
of  Oran  and  Bujeya  ;  and  Algiers  was  so  imperfectly 
fortified,  that  he  imposed  his  own  terms.  He  made 
the  Algerines  vow  to  renounce  piracy  ;  and,  to  see 
that  they  kept  their  word,  he  built  and  garrisoned 


THE  PEN ON  DE  ALGER. 


13 


a  strong  fort,  the  "  Penon  de  Alger,"  1  to  stop  their 
boats  from  sallying  forth.  But  the  Moors  had  still 
more  than  one  strong  post  on  the  rocky  promon- 
tories of  Barbary,  and  having  tasted  the  delights 
of  chasing  Spaniards,  they  were  not  likely  to  reform, 
especially  as  the  choice  lay  between  piracy  and 
starvation.  Dig  they  would  not,  and  they  preferred 
to  beg  by  force,  like  the  "  gentlemen  of  the  road." 
So  they  bided  their  time,  till  Ferdinand  the  Catholic 
passed  away  to  his  account,  and  then,  in  defiance  of 
the  Penon,  and  reckless  of  all  the  pains  and  penalties 
of  Spanish  retribution,  they  threw  up  their  allegiance, 
and  looked  about  for  allies. 

Help  was  not  far  off,  though  in  this  case  it  meant 
mastery.  The  day  of  the  Moorish  pirates  was  over ; 
henceforth  they  might,  and  did,  triumphantly  assault 
and  batter  Spanish  and  Venetian  ships,  but  they 
would  do  this  under  the  captaincy  of  the  allies  they 
had  called  in,  under  the  leadership  of  the  Turkish 
Corsairs.  The  Moors  had  shown  the  way,  and  the 
Corsairs  needed  little  bidding  to  follow  it. 

1  Algiers  is  in  Arabic,  Al-Gezair  ("  the  Islands  "),  said  to  be  so  called 
from  that  in  its  bay  ;  or,  more  probably,  Al-Gezair  is  a  grammarian's 
explanation  of  the  name  Tzeyr  or  Tzier,  by  which  the  Algerians  com- 
monly called  their  city,  and  which  is  [  suspect,  a  corruption  of  the 
Roman  city  Caesarea  (Augusta),  which  occupied  almost  the  same  site. 
It  should  be  remarked  that  the  Algerians  pronounce  the  gnu  hard  :  not 
Al-Jezair.  Europeans  spelt  the  name  in  all  sorts  of  ways  :  Arger, 
Argel,  Argeir,  Algel,  &c. ,  down  to  the  French  Alger  and  our  Algiers. 


II. 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  CORSAIRS. 

It  is  time  to  ask  how  it  was  that  a  spacious  land 
seemed  to  lie  vacant  for  the  Corsairs  to  occupy,  and 
a  land  too  that  offered  almost  every  feature  that  a 
pirate  could  desire  for  the  safe  and  successful  pro- 
secution of  his  trade.  Geographers  tell  us  that  in 
climate  and  formation  the  island  of  Barbary,  for  such  it 
is  geologically,  is  really  part  of  Europe,  towards  which, 
in  history,  it  has  played  so  unfriendly  a  part  Once 
the  countries,  which  we  now  know  as  Tunis,  Algiers, 
and  Morocco,  stood  up  abruptly  as  an  island,  with  a 
comparatively  small  lake  washing  its  northern  shore, 
and  a  huge  ocean  on  the  south  (see  the  map). 
That  ocean  is  now  the  Sahra  or  Sahara,  which 
engineers  dream  of  again  flooding  with  salt  water, 
and  so  forming  an  inland  African  sea.  The  lake  is 
now  the  Mediterranean,  or  rather  its  western  basin,  for 
we  know  that  the  Barbary  island  was  once  nearly 
a  peninsula,  joined  at  its  two  ends  to  Spain  and 
Sicily,  and  that  its  Atlas  ranges  formed  the  con- 
nection between  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  Mt.  Aetna. 
By  degrees  the  Isthmus  between  Cape  Bona  and 
Sicily  sank  out  of  sight,  and  the  ocean  flowed  between 


THE  BARBARY  PENINSULA. 


•5 


Spain  and  Africa,  while  the  great  sea  to  the  south 
dried  up  into  the  immense  stony  waste  which  is 
known  preeminently  as  the  Sahra,  the  Desert,  "a  tract 
of  land,  bare  as  the  back  of  a  beast,  without  trees  or 
mountains." 

Through  one  or  both  of  these  narrow  straits, 
Gibraltar  and  Malta,  all  vessels  from  the  outer  ocean 
bound  for  the  ports  of  France  and  Italy  and  the 


22  20'Longitude  W.  of  Greenwich  Longitude  E.of  i2°2o'Greemv 


After  Bourpiignat  Walker  GrBoutall  sc. 

THb  1SARKAKY  PENINSULA. 

{Elist'c  Rectus.) 

Levant,  were  obliged  to  pass ;  and  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  just  about  the  time  when  the  Corsairs 
made  their  appearance  in  Barbary,  the  riches  of  the 
new-found  Western  world  were  beginning  to  pour 
through  the  straits  to  meet  those  of  the  East,  which 
were  brought  to  France  and  Spain,  England  and 
Holland,  from  Alexandria  and  Smyrna.     An  im- 


r6 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  CORSAIRS. 


mense  proportion  of  the  trade  of  Europe  had  to  cross 
the  western  basin  of  the  Mediterranean,  of  which 
Barbary  formed  the  southern  boundary.  Any  bold 
man  who  could  hold  Tunis  at  the  eastern  corner,  or 
Algiers  in  the  middle,  or  Ceuta  or  Tangiers  at  the 
western  point,  might  reckon  upon  numerous  oppor- 
tunities of  stopping  argosies  of  untold  wealth  as  they 
passed  by  his  lair.  The  situation  seemed  purposely 
contrived  for  Corsairs. 

More  than  this,  the  coast  was  just  what  a  pirate 
wants.  The  map  shows  a  series  of  natural  harbours, 
often  backed  by  lagunes  which  offer  every  facility  for 
the  escape  of  the  rover  from  his  pursuers  ;  and  while 
in  the  sixteenth  century  there  were  no  deep  ports  for 
vessels  of  heavy  draught,  there  were  endless  creeks, 
shallow  harbours,  and  lagunes  where  the  Corsairs' 
galleys  (which  never  drew  more  than  six  feet  of 
water)  could  take  refuge.  Behind  Jerba,  the  fabled 
island  of  the  Lotus-Eaters,  was  an  immense  inland 
sea,  commanded  in  the  Middle  Ages  by  castles,  and 
affording  a  refuge  for  which  the  rovers  had  often  had 
cause  to  be  grateful.  Merchant  vessels  were  shy  of 
sailing  in  the  dangerous  Gulf  of  the  Greater  Syrtes 
with  its  heavy  tides  and  spreading  sandbanks,  and 
even  the  war-galleys  of  Venice  and  Spain  were  at  a 
disadvantage  when  manoeuvring  in  its  treacherous 
eddies  against  the  Corsair  who  knew  ever)'  inch  of 
the  coast.  Passing  westward,  a  famous  medieval 
fortress,  with  the  remains  of  a  harbour,  is  seen  at 
Mahdlya,  the  "Africa"  of  the  chroniclers.  Next, 
Tunis  presents  the  finest  harbour  on  all  the  Barbary 
coast;  within  its  Goletta  (or  "Throat")  a  vessel  is 


BARBARY  PORTS. 


19 


safe  from  all  the  winds  that  blow,  and  if  a  canal  were 
cut  to  join  it  with  the  inland  lake  of  Bizerta,  a  deep 
harbour  would  be  formed  big  enough  to  hold  all  the 
shipping  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  ancient  ports  of 
Carthage  and  Porto  Farina  offered  more  protection 
in  the  Corsairs'  time  than  now  when  the  sand  has 
choked  the  coast  ;  and  in  the  autumn  months  a  vessel 
needed  all  the  shelter  she  could  get  when  the  Cyprian 
wind  was  blowing  off  Cape  Bona.  Close  to  the  pre- 
sent Algerine  frontier  is  Tabarka,  which  the  Lomel- 
lini  family  of  Genoa  found  a  thriving  situation  for 
their  trading  establishments.  Lacalle,  once  a  famous 
nest  of  pirates,  had  then  a  fine  harbour,  as  the  mer- 
chants of  Marseilles  discovered  when  they  superin- 
tended the  coral  fisheries  from  the  neighbouring 
Bastion  de  France.  Bona,  just  beyond,  has  its  roads, 
and  formerly  possessed  a  deep  harbour.  Jijil,  an 
impregnable  post,  held  successively  by  Phoenicians, 
Normans,  Romans,  Pisans,  and  Genoese,  till  Bar- 
barossa  got  possession  of  it  and  made  it  a  fortress  of 
refuge  for  his  Corsairs,  stands  on  a  rocky  peninsula 
joined  by  a  sandy  isthmus  to  the  mainland,  with  a 
port  well  sheltered  by  a  natural  breakwater.  Further 
on  were  Bujeya  (Bougie),  its  harbour  well  protected 
from  the  worst  winds  ;  Algiers,  not  then  a  port,  but 
soon  to  become  one  ;  Shershel,  with  a  harbour  to  be 
shunned  in  a  heavy  swell  from  the  north,  but  other- 
wise a  valuable  nook  for  sea  rovers ;  Tinnis,  not  always 
accessible,  but  safe  when  you  were  inside  ;  and  Oran, 
with  the  important  harbour  of  Mars  El-Keblr  the 
"  Portus  Divinus  "  of  the  Romans  ;  while  beyond,  the 
Jamia-el-Ghazawat  or  Pirates'  Mosque,  shows  where 


20 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  CORSAIRS. 


a  favourite  creek  offered  an  asylum  between  the 
Brothers  Rocks  for  distressed  Corsairs.  Passing 
Tangiers  and  Ceuta  (Septa),  and  turning  beyond  the 
Straits,  various  shelters  are  found,  and  amongst  others 
the  celebrated  ports  of  Sale,  which,  in  spite  of  its  bar 
of  sand,  managed  to  send  out  many  mischievous  craft 
to  harass  the  argosies  on  their  return  from  the  New 
World. 

Not  only  were  there  ports  in  abundance  for  the 
shelter  of  galleys,  but  the  land  behind  was  all  that 
could  be  desired.  River  indeed  there  was  none, 
capable  of  navigation,  but  the  very  shortness  of  the 
watershed  which  precluded  the  possibility  of  great 
streams  brought  with  it  a  counterbalancing  ad- 
vantage ;  for  the  mountains  rise  so  steep  and  high 
near  the  coast  that  the  Corsairs'  look-out  could 
sight  the  vessels  to  be  attacked  a  long  way  out  to 
sea,  and  thus  give  notice  of  a  prize  or  warning  of  an 
enemy.  Moreover  the  land  produced  all  that  was 
needed  to  content  the  heart  of  man.  Below  the 
mountains  where  the  Berbers  dwelt  and  the  steppes 
where  Arab  shepherds  roamed,  fertile  valleys  spread 
to  the  seashore.  Jerba  was  a  perfect  garden  of  corn 
and  fruit,  vines,  olives,  almonds,  apricots,  and  figs  ; 
Tunis  stood  in  the  midst  of  green  fields,  and  deserved 
the  title  of  "  the  White,  the  Odoriferous,  the  Flowery 
Bride  of  the  West," — though,  indeed,  the  second  epithet, 
according  to  its  inhabitants,  was  derived  from  the 
odour  of  the  lake  which  received  the  drainage  of  the 
city,  to  which  they  ascribed  its  peculiar  salubrity. 

What  more  could  be  required  in  a  land  which  was 
now  to  become  a  nest  of  pirates  ?   Yet,  as  though 


NORTH-AFRICAN  DYNASTIES. 


21 


this  were  not  sufficient,  one  more  virtue  was  added. 
The  coast  was  visited  by  terrible  gales,  which,  while 
avoidable  by  those  who  had  experience  and  knew 
where  to  run,  were  fatal  to  the  unwary,  and  foiled 
many  an  attack  of  the  avenging  enemy. 

It  remains  to  explain  how  it  was  that  the  Corsairs 
were  able  to  possess  themselves  of  this  convenient 
territory,  which  was  neither  devoid  of  inhabitants  nor 
without  settled  governments. 

North  Africa  —  the  only  Africa  known  to  the 
ancients — had  seen  many  rulers  come  and  go  since 
the  Arabs  under  Okba  first  overran  its  plains  and 
valleys.  Dynasty  had  succeeded  dynasty  ;  the  Arab 
governors  under  the  Khalifs  of  Damascus  and  Bagh- 
dad had  made  room  for  the  Houses  of  Idrls  (a.D.  788) 
and  Aghlab  (800);  these  in  turn  had  given  way  to  the 
FatimI  Khalifs  (909)  ;  and  when  these  schismatics 
removed  their  seat  of  power  from  their  newly  founded 
capital  of  Mahdlya  to  their  final  metropolis  of 
Cairo  (968),  their  western  empire  speedily  split  up 
into  the  several  princedoms  of  the  Zeyrls  of  Tunis, 
the  BenI  Hammad  of  Tilimsan,  and  other  minor 
governments.  At  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century, 
the  Murabits  or  Almoravides,  a  Berber  dynasty,  im- 
posed their  authority  over  the  greater  part  of  North 
Africa  and  Spain,  but  gave  place  in  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  to  the  Muwahhids  or  Almohades,  whose  rule 
extended  from  the  Atlantic  to  Tunis,  and  endured 
for  over  a  hundred  years.  On  the  ruins  of  their  vast 
empire  three  separate  and  long-lived  dynasties  sprang 
up:  the  BenI  Hafs  in  Tunis  (1228-1534),  the  BenI 
Ziyan  in  Central  Maghrib  (123 5- 1400),  and  the  BenI 


22 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  CORSAIRS. 


Merin  in  Morocco  (i  200-1 550).  To  complete  the 
chronology  it  may  be  added  that  these  were  suc- 
ceeded in  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  Corsair 
Pashas  (afterwards  Deys)  of  Algiers,  the  Turkish 
Pashas  or  Beys  of  Tunis,  and  the  Sherifs  or 
Emperors  of  Morocco.  The  last  still  continue  to 
reign  ;  but  the  Deys  of  Algiers  have  given  place 
to  the  French,  and  the  Bey  of  Tunis  is  under 
French  tutelage. 

Except  during  the  temporary  excitement  of  a  change 
of  dynasty,  the  rule  of  these  African  princes  was  gene- 
rally mild  and  enlightened.  They  came,  for  the  most 
part,  of  the  indigenous  Berber  population,  and  were 
not  naturally  disposed  to  intolerance  or  unneighbour- 
liness.  The  Christians  kept  their  churches,  and  were 
suffered  to  worship  unmolested.  We  read  of  a  Bishop 
of  Fez  as  late  as  the  thirteenth  century,  and  the  Kings 
of  Morocco  and  Tunis  were  usually  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  Pope.  Christians  were  largely  enrolled  in 
the  African  armies,  and  were  even  appointed  to  civil 
employments.  The  relations  of  the  rulers  of  Barbary 
with  the  European  States  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  this  period — from  the  eleventh  century,  when 
the  fighting  FatimTs  left  Tunis  and  went  eastward  to 
Egypt,  to  the  sixteenth,  when  the  fighting  Turks 
came  westward  to  molest  the  peace  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean— were  eminently  wise  and  statesmanlike.  The 
Africans  wanted  many  of  the  industries  of  Europe ; 
Europe  required  the  skins  and  raw  products  of 
Africa  :  and  a  series  of  treaties  involving  a  principle 
of  reciprocity  was  the  result.  No  doubt  the  naval 
inferiority  of  the  African  States  to  the  trading  Re- 


TREATIES  WITH  EUROPEAN  STATES. 


23 


publics  of  the  Mediterranean  was  a  potent  factor  in 
bringing  about  this  satisfactory  arrangement ;  but  it 
is  only  right  to  admit  the  remarkable  fairness,  mode- 
ration, and  probity  of  the  African  princes  in  the  settle- 
ment and  maintenance  of  these  treaties.  As  a  general 
rule,  Sicily  and  the  commercial  Republics  were  allied 
to  the  rulers  of  Tunis  and  Telimsan  and  Fez  by  bonds 
of  amity  and  mutual  advantage.  One  after  the  other, 
Pisa,  Genoa,  Provence,  Aragon,  and  Venice,  concluded 
commercial  treaties  with  the  African  sovereigns,  and 
renewed  them  from  time  to  time.  Some  of  these 
States  had  special  quarters  reserved  for  them  at  Tunis, 
Ceuta,  and  other  towns  ;  and  all  had  their  consuls  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  who  were  protected  in  a 
manner  that  the  English  agent  at  Algiers  would  have 
envied  seventy  years  ago.  The  African  trade  was 
especially  valuable  to  the  Pisans  and  Genoese,  and 
there  was  a  regular  African  company  trading  at  the 
Ports  of  Tripoli,  Tunis,  Bujeya,  Ceuta,  and  Sale. 
Indeed,  the  Genoese  went  so  far  as  to  defend  Ceuta 
against  Christian  crusaders,  so  much  did  commerce 
avail  against  religion  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Christian  residents  at  Tunis,  the  western  metropolis 
of  Islam,  had  their  own  place  of  worship,  where  they 
were  free  to  pray  undisturbed,  as  late  as  1530.  This 
tolerance  was  largely  due  to  the  mild  and  judicious 
government  of  the  Beni  Hafs,  whose  three  centuries' 
sway  at  Tunis  was  an  unmixed  benefit  to  their  sub- 
jects, and  to  all  who  had  relations  with  them. 

Not  that  the  years  passed  by  without  war  and 
retaliation,  or  that  treaties  made  piracy  impossible. 
In   the  early  and    more   pugnacious  days  of  the 


24 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  CORSAIRS. 


Saracen  domination  conflicts  were  frequent.  The 
FatimI  Khalifs  conquered  and  held  all  the  larger 
islands  of  the  Western  Mediterranean,  Sicily, 
Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  the  Balearic  Isles.  In  1002 
the  Saracens  pillaged  Pisa,  and  the  Pisans  retaliated 
by  burning  an  African  fleet.  Three  years  later  El- 
Mujahid  ("  Muget "),  the  lord  of  Majorca,  and 
conqueror  of  Sardinia,  burnt  part  of  Pisa  ;  and 
another  incursion  is  recorded  in  1011.  From  his 
stronghold  at  Luni  in  Etruria  this  terrible  scourge 
ravaged  the  country  round,  until  the  Pope  drove 
him  out  of  Italy,  and  the  Pisans  and  others  turned 
him  out  of  Sardinia  (1017).  We  read  of  African 
fleets  cruising  with  hostile  intent  off  the  Calabrian 
coast,  and  of  the  Pisans  taking"  Bona,  which  was 
then  a  nest  of  Corsairs  (1034).  Mahdiya  was  burnt 
in  1087,  and  Sicily  conquered  by  the  Normans  about 
the  same  time  (1072).  But  these  were  in  the  early 
days,  and  even  then  were  the  exceptions  ;  in  succeed- 
ing centuries,  under  more  settled  governments,  war 
became  very  rare,  and  mutual  amity  was  the  prevailing 
policy.1 

Piracy  was  always  distinctly  prohibited  in  the 
commercial  treaties  of  the  African  States  ;  neverthe- 
less piracy  went  on,  and  most  pertinaciously  on  the 
part  of  the  Christians.  The  Greeks,  Sardinians, 
Maltese,  and  Genoese  were  by  far  the  worse  members 
of  the  fraternity  of  rovers,  as  the  treaties  themselves 
prove :  the  increase  of  commerce  under  the  stimulus 
of  the  Crusades  tempted  the  adventurous,  and  the 

1  Le  Comte  de  Mas-Latrie,  Relations  et  commerce  de  I ' Afriqite 
Septentrionale  avec  les  nations  chreliennes  an  moyen  ige,  1886. 


EARLY  PIRATES. 


25 


absence  of  any  organized  State  navies  gave  them 
immunity ;  and  there  was  generally  a  war  afoot 
between  some  nation  or  other,  Christian  or  Moslem, 
and  piracy  (in  the  then  state  of  international 
law)  at  once  became  legitimate  privateering.  Our 
buccaneers  of  the  Spanish  main  had  the  same 
apology  to  offer.  But  it  is  important  to  observe 
that  all  this  was  private  piracy :  the  African  and 
the  Italian  governments  distinctly  repudiated  the 
practice,  and  bound  themselves  to  execute  any 
Corsair  of  their  own  country  whom  they  might 
arrest,  and  to  deliver  all  his  goods  over  to  the  state 
which  he  had  robbed.1  These  early  Corsairs  were 
private  freebooters,  totally  distinct  from  the  autho- 
rized pirates  of  later  days.  In  1200,  in  time  of 
peace,  two  Pisan  vessels  attacked  three  Mohammedan 
ships  in  Tunis  roads,  captured  the  crews,  outraged 
the  women,  and  made  off,  vainly  pursued  by  the 
Tunisian  fleet :  but  they  received  no  countenance 
from  Pisa,  the  merchants  of  which  might  have 
suffered  severely  had  the  Tunisians  exacted  re- 
prisals. Sicily  was  full  of  Corsairs,  and  the  King 
of  Tunis  paid  a  sort  of  tribute  to  the  Normans, 
partly  to  induce  them  to  restrain  these  excesses. 
Aragonese  and  Genoese  preyed  upon  each  other 
and  upon  the  Moslems  ;  but  their  doings  were  entirely 
private  and  unsupported  by  the  state. 

Up  to  the  fourteenth  century  the  Christians  were 
the  chief  pirates  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  dealt 
largely  in  stolen  goods  and  slaves.    Then  the  growth 

1  Le  COM'iE  de  Mas-Latrie,  Relations  et  commerce  de  I ' Afrique 
Septentrionale  avec  les  nations  chretiennes  an  moycn  dge,  pp.  175—9. 


26 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  CORSAIRS. 


of  large  commercial  fleets  discouraged  the  profession, 
and  very  soon  we  begin  to  hear  much  less  of  European 
brigandage,  and  much  more  of  Moorish  Corsairs.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  coast  about  the  Gulf  of  Gabes  had 
always  shown  a  bent  towards  piracy,  and  the  port 
of  Mahdlya,  or  "  Africa,"  now  became  a  regular 
resort  of  sea  rovers.  El-Bekrl,  in  the  twelfth  century, 
had  noticed  the  practice  of  sending  galleys  on  the 
cruise  for  prey  (perhaps  during  war)  from  the  har- 
bours of  Bona;  and  Ibn-Khaldun,  in  the  fourteenth, 
describes  an  organized  company  of  pirates  at  Bujeya, 
who  made  a  handsome  profit  from  goods  and  the 
ransom  of  captives.  The  evil  grew  with  the  increase 
of  the  Turkish  power  in  the  Levant,  and  received  a 
violent  impetus  upon  the  fall  of  Constantinople ; 
while  on  the  west,  the  gradual  expulsion  of  the 
Moors  from  Spain  which  followed  upon  the  Christian 
advance  filled  Africa  with  disaffected,  ruined,  and 
vengeful  Moriscos,  whose  one  dominant  passion  was 
to  wipe  out  their  old  scores  with  the  Spaniards. 

Against  such  influences  the  mild  governors  of 
North  Africa  were  powerless.  They  had  so  long 
enjoyed  peace  and  friendship  with  the  Mediterranean 
States,  that  they  were  in  no  condition  to  enforce 
order  with  the  strong  hand.  Their  armies  and  fleets 
were  insignificant,  and  their  coasts  were  long  to 
protect,  and  abounded  with  almost  impregnable 
strongholds  which  they  could  not  afford  to  garrison. 
Hence,  when  the  Moors  flocked  over  from  Spain,  the 
shores  of  Africa  offered  them  a  sure  and  accessible 
refuge,  and  the  hospitable  character  of  the  Moslem's 
religion  forbade  all  thought  of  repelling  the  refugees. 


THE  COMING  OF  THE  TURKS. 


27 


Still  more,  when  the  armed  galleots  of  the  Levant 
came  crowding  to  Barbary,  fired  with  the  hope  of 
rich  gain,  the  ports  were  open,  and  the  creeks 
afforded  them  shelter.  A  foothold  once  gained, 
the  rest  was  easy. 

It  was  to  this  land,  lying  ready  to  his  use,  that 
Captain  Uruj  Barbarossa  came  in  the  beginning  of 
the  sixteenth  century. 


PART  I. 

THE  CORSAIR  ADMIRALS. 


III. 


URUJ  BARBAROSSA. 

1504— i5x5- 

THE  island  of  Lesbos  has  given  many  gifts  to  the 
world — Lesbian  wine  and  Lesbian  verse,  the  seven- 
stringed  lyre,  and  the  poems  of  Sappho  ;  but  of  all 
its  products  the  latest  was  assuredly  the  most  ques- 
tionable, for  the  last  great  Lesbians  were  the  brothers 
Barbarossa. 

When  Sultan  Mohammed  II.  conquered  the  island 
in  1462,  he  left  there  a  certain  Sipahi  soldier,  named 
Ya'kub  —  so  say  the  Turkish  annalists,  but  the 
Spanish  writers  claim  him  as  a  native  Christian — 
who  became  the  father  of  Uruj  Barbarossa  and  his 
brother  Kheyr-ed-dln.  Various  stories  are  told  of 
their  early  career,  and  the  causes  which  led  to  their 
taking  to  the  sea  ;  but  as  Lesbos  had  long  been 
famous  for  its  buccaneers,  whether  indigenous  or 
importations  from  Catalonia  and  Aragon,  there  was 
nothing  unusual  in  the  brothers  adopting  a  profession 
which  was  alike  congenial  to  bold  hearts  and  sanc- 
tioned   by   time-honoured    precedent.1     Uruj,  the 

1  The  differences  between  the  Turkish  authority,  Hajji  Khalifa,  who 
wrote  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  used  "  Memoirs  " 


32 


URUJ  BARBAROSSA. 


elder,  soon  became  the  re'fs,  or  captain,  of  a  galleot, 
and  finding  his  operations  hampered  in  the  Archi- 
pelago by  the  predominance  of  the  Sultan's  fleet,  he 
determined  to  seek  a  wider  and  less  interrupted  field 
for  his  depredations.  Rumours  had  reached  the 
Levant  of  the  successes  of  the  Moorish  pirates  ; 
prodigious  tales  were  abroad  as  to  great  argosies, 
laden  with  the  treasures  of  the  New  World,  passing 
and  repassing  the  narrow  seas  between  Europe  and 
Africa,  and  seeming  to  invite  capture  ;  and  it  was 
not  long  (1504)  before  Captain  Uruj  found  himself 
cruising  with  two  galleots  off  the  Barbary  coast,  and 
spying  out  the  land  in  search  of  a  good  harbour  and 
a  safe  refuge  from  pursuit. 

The  port  of  Tunis  offered  all  that  a  Corsair  could 
wish.  The  Goletta  in  those  days  was  but  slightly 
fortified,  and  the  principal  building,  besides  the 
castle,  was  the  custom-house,  where  the  wealth 
of  many  nations  was  taxed  by  the  Sultan  of  the 
House  of  Hafs.  The  very  sight  of  such  an  institu- 
tion was  stimulating  to  a  pirate.  Uruj  paid  his 
court  to  the  King  of  Tunis,  and  speedily  came  to  an 

partly  inspired  by  Kheyr-ed-din  himself,  and  the  two  Spani>h  chroniclers, 
Haedo  and  Marmol,  in  their  narratives  of  the  early  feats  and  experi- 
ences of  Barharossa  and  his  brothers,  are  irreconcilable  in  details, 
though  the  general  purport  is  similar.  Von  Hammer  naturally  follows 
Hajji  Khalifa,  and  modern  writers,  like  Adm.  Jurien  de  ia  Graviere, 
take  the  same  course.  For  the  period  of  his  life  when  Khe  r-ed-din 
was  at  Constantinople  the  Turkish  writer  may  be  reasonably  preferred  ; 
but  on  all  matters  concerning  the  Barbary  coast  the  Abbot  Diego  de 
Haedo,  who  lived  many  years  in  Algiers  in  the  sixteenth  century,  was 
personally  acquainted  with  many  of  the  sen-ants  and  followers  of 
Kheyr-ed-din  ( whodied  in  1546),  and  published  his  Topographia  e  historia 
de  Argel in  1612,  is  undoubtedly  the  best  informed  and  most  trustworthy 
authority. 


PAPAL  GALLEYS, 


35 


understanding  with  him  on  the  subject  of  royalties 
on  stolen  goods.  The  ports  of  Tunis  were  made 
free  to  the  Corsair,  and  the  king  would  protect  him 
from  pursuit,  for  the  consideration  of  a  fixed  share — 
a  fifth — of  the  booty.  The  policy  of  the  enlightened 
rulers  of  Tunis  evidently  no  longer  suited  their  latest 
representative. 

The  base  of  operations  thus  secured,  Uruj  did  not 
keep  his  new  ally  long  waiting  for  a  proof  of  his 
prowess.  One  day  he  lay  off  the  island  of  Elba,  when 
two  galleys- royal, belonging  to  his  Holiness  Pope  Julius 
II.,  richly  laden  with  goods  from  Genoa,  and  bound 
for  Civita  Vecchia,  hove  in  sight.  They  were  rowing 
in  an  easy,  leisurely  manner,  little  dreaming  of 
Turkish  Corsairs,  for  none  such  had  ever  been  seen 
in  those  waters,  nor  anything  bigger  than  a  Moorish 
brigantine,  of  which  the  Papal  marines  were  prepared 
to  give  a  good  account.  So  the  two  galleys  paddled 
on,  some  ten  leagues  asunder,  and  Uruj  Rei's 
marked  his  prey  down.  It  was  no  light  adventure 
for  a  galleot  of  eighteen  banks  of  oars  to  board  a 
royal  galley  of  perhaps  twice  her  size,  and  with  no 
one  could  tell  how  many  armed  men  inside  her. 
The  Turkish  crew  remonstrated  at  such  foolhardiness, 
and  begged  their  captain  to  look  for  a  foe  of  their  own 
size :  but  for  reply  Uruj  only  cast  most  of  the  oars 
overboard,  and  thus  made  escape  impossible.  Then 
he  lay  to  and  awaited  the  foremost  galley  She 
came  on,  proudly,  unconscious  of  danger.  Suddenly 
her  look-out  spied  Turkish  turbans — a  strange  sight 
on  the  Italian  coast — and  in  a  panic  of  confusion  her 
company  beat  to  arms.    The  vessels  were  now  along- 


36 


URUJ  BARBAROSSA. 


side,  and  a  smart  volley  of  shot  and  bolts  completed 
the  consternation  of  the  Christians.  Uruj  and  his 
men  were  quickly  on  the  poop,  and  his  Holiness's 
servants  were  soon  safe  under  hatches. 

Never  before  had  a  galley-royal  struck  her  colours 
to  a  mere  gallcot.  But  worse  was  to  follow.  Uruj 
declared  he  must  and  would  have  her  consort.  In 
vain  his  officers  showed  him  how  temerarious  was 
the  venture,  and  how  much  more  prudent  it  would  be 
to  make  off  with  one  rich  prize  than  to  court  capture 
by  overgreediness.  The  Corsair's  will  was  of  iron, 
and  his  crew,  inflated  with  triumph,  caught  his 
audacious  spirit.  They  clothed  themselves  in  the 
dresses  of  the  Christian  prisoners,  and  manned  the 
subdued  galley  as  though  they  were  her  own  seamen. 
On  came  the  consort,  utterly  ignorant  of  what  had 
happened,  till  a  shower  of  arrows  and  small  shot 
aroused  her,  just  in  time  to  be  carried  by  assault, 
before  her  men  had  collected  their  senses. 

Uruj  brought  his  prizes  into  the  Goletta.  Never 
was  such  a  sight  seen  there  before.  "  The  wonder  and 
astonishment,"  says  Haedo,1  "that  this  noble  exploit 
caused  in  Tunis,  and  even  in  Christendom,  is  not  to 
be  expressed,  nor  how  celebrated  the  name  of  Uruj 
Re'fs  was  become  from  that  very  moment  ;  he  being 
held  and  accounted  by  all  the  world  as  a  most 
valiant  and  enterprizing  commander.  And  by  reason 
his  beard  was  extremely  red,  or  carrot}',  from  thence- 
forwards  he  was  generally  called  Barba-rossa,  which 
in  Italian  signifies  Red-Beard."  2 

1  Quoted  by  Morgan,  Hist,  of  Algiers,  225. 

*  It  is  possible  that  Barba-rossa  is  but  a  European  corruption  of 


URUJ  TAKES  JERBA. 


39 


The  capture  of  the  Papal  galleys  gave  Uruj  what 
he  wanted — rowers.  He  kept  his  Turks  for  fighting, 
and  made  the  Christian  prisoners  work  the  oars  ; 
such  was  the  custom  of  every  Corsair  down  to  the 
present  century,  and  the  Christian  navies  were 
similarly  propelled  by  Mohammedan  slaves.  The 
practice  must  have  lent  a  strange  excitement  to  the 
battle  ;  for  then,  assuredly,  a  man's  foes  were  of  his 
own  household.  A  Venetian  admiral  knew  well  that 
his  two  or  three  hundred  galley  slaves  were  pant- 
ing to  break  their  irons  and  join  the  enemy  ;  and  the 
Turkish  Corsair  had  also  his  unwilling  subjects,  who 
would  take  the  first  chance  to  mutiny  in  favour  of 
the  Christian  adversary.  Thus  it  often  happened 
that  a  victory  was  secured  by  the  strong  arms  of  the 
enemy's  chained  partizans,  who  would  have  given 
half  their  lives  to  promote  a  defeat.  But  the  sharp 
lash  of  the  boatswain,  who  walked  the  bridge 
between  the  banks  of  rowers,  was  a  present  and  acute 
argument  which  few  backs  could  withstand. 

Uruj  had  made  his  first  coup,  and  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  follow  it  up.  Next  year  he  captured  a 
Spanish  ship  with  five  hundred  soldiers  on  board, 
who  were  all  so  sea-sick,  or  spent  with  pumping  out 
the  leaky  vessel,  that  they  fell  an  easy  prey  to  his 
galleots.  Before  five  years  were  out,  what  with 
cruising,  and  building  with  the  timber  of  his 
many  prizes,  he  had  eight  good  vessels  at  his  back, 

Baba  Uruj,  "Father  Uruj,"  as  his  men  called  him.  At  all  events 
Uruj  is  the  real  Ba'barossa,  though  modern  writers  generally  give  the 
name  to  his  younger  brother  Kheyr-ed-din,  who  was  only  called  Barba- 
rossa  on  account  of  his  kinship  to  the  original. 


4o 


URUJ  BARBAROSSA. 


with  two  of  his  brothers  to  help.  The  port  of  Tunis 
now  hardly  sufficed  his  wants,  so  he  established  him- 
self temporarily  on  the  fertile  island  of  Jerba,  and 
from  its  ample  anchorage  his  ships  issued  forth  to 
harry  the  coasts  of  Italy. 

To  be  king  of  Jerba  was  all  too  small  a  title  for  his 
ambition.  He  aimed  at  sovereignty  on  a  large  scale, 
and,  Corsair  as  he  was  by  nature,  he  wished  for 
settled  power  almost  as  much  as  he  delighted 
in  adventure.  In  15 12  the  opportunity  he  sought 
arrived.  Three  years  before,  the  Mohammedan  King 
of  Bujeya  had  been  driven  out  of  his  city  by  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  exiled  potentate  appealed  to  the 
Corsair  to  come  and  restore  him,  coupling  the  petition 
with  promises  of  the  free  use  of  Bujeya  port,  whence 
the  command  of  the  Spanish  sea  was  easily  to  be 
held.  Uruj  was  pleased  with  the  prospect,  and  as  he 
had  now  twelve  galleots  with  cannon,  and  one  thousand 
Turkish  men-at-arms,  to  say  nothing  of  renegades 
and  Moors,  he  felt  strong  enough  for  the  attempt. 
The  renown  of  his  exploits  had  spread  far  and  wide, 
and  there  was  no  lack  of  a  following  from  all  parts  of 
the  Levant  when  it  was  known  that  Uruj  Re'is  was 
on  the  war-path.  His  extraordinary  energy  and 
impetuosity  called  forth  a  corresponding  zeal  in  his 
men,  and,  like  other  dashing  commanders,  he  was 
very  popular. 

Well  supported,  and  provided  with  such  a  siege- 
train  as  the  times  permitted,  he  landed  before  Bujeya 
in  August,  1512,  and  found  the  dethroned  king  ex- 
pecting him  at  the  head  of  three  thousand  mountain 
Berbers.    The  Spanish  garrison  was  collected  in  the 


ATTACK  ON  BUJEYA 


43 


strong  bastion,  which  the  Count  Don  Pedro  Navarro 
had  fortified  when  he  took  the  city,  and  for  eight  days 
the  fortress  withstood  the  battering  of  the  Corsair's 
ordnance.  Just  when  a  breach  began  to  be  opened, 
Uruj  was  disabled  ;  a  shot  took  his  left  arm  away 
above  the  elbow.  In  the  absence  of  their  leader's 
heroic  example,  the  Turks  felt  little  confidence  in 
their  superiority  to  Spanish  steel  ;  they  preferred 
carrying  their  wounded  captain  to  the  surgeons  at 
Tunis.  Bujeya  for  the  moment  escaped,  but  the 
Corsairs  enjoyed  some  little  consolation  in  the 
capture  of  a  rich  Genoese  galleot  which  they  met 
on  its  voyage  to  the  Lomellini's  mart  at  Tabarka. 
With  this  spoil  Uruj  returned  to  recover  from  his 
wound,  while  his  brother,  Kheyr-ed-din,  kept  guard 
over  the  castle  of  the  Goletta,  and  began  to  bring  the 
galleots  and  prizes  through  the  canal  into  the  Lake 
of  Tunis,  where  they  would  be  safe  from  pursuit. 

He  was  too  late,  however.  The  Senate  of  Genoa 
was  highly  incensed  at  the  loss  of  the  galleot,  and 
Andrea  Doria,  soon  to  be  known  as  the  greatest 
Christian  admiral  of  his  time,  was  despatched  with 
twelve  galleys  to  exact  reparation.  He  landed  before 
the  Goletta,  and  drove  Kheyr-ed-din  before  him  into 
Tunis.  The  fortress  was  sacked,  and  half  Barba- 
rossa's  ships  were  brought  in  triumph  to  Genoa. 
Thus  ended  the  first  meeting  between  Doria  and 
Kheyr-ed-din  :  the  next  was  less  happy  for  the  noble 
Genoese. 

Kheyr-ed-din,  well  aware  of  his  brother's  fierce 
humour,  did  not  dare  to  face  him  after  this  humilia- 
t;on,  but  left  him  to  fume  impotently  in  his  sick- 


44 


URUJ  BARBAROSSA, 


room,  while  he  stole  away  to  Jerba,  there  to  work 
night  and  day  at  shipbuilding.  Uruj  joined  him  in 
the  following  spring — the  King  of  Tunis  had  probably 
had  enough  of  him— and  they  soon  had  the  means  of 
wiping  out  their  disgrace.  The  attempt  was  at  first 
a  failure  ;  a  second  assault  on  the  ominous  forts  of 
BujCya  (15 14)  was  on  the  point  of  success,  when 
reinforcements  arrived  from  Spain.  The  Berber 
allies  evinced  more  interest  in  getting  in  their  crops 
after  the  rain  than  in  forcing  the  bastion  ;  and  Barba- 
rossa,  compelled  to  raise  the  siege,  in  a  frantic  rage, 
tearing  his  red  beard  like  a  madman,  set  fire  to  his 
ships  that  they  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards. 

He  would  not  show  himself  now  in  Tunis  or  Jerba. 
Some  new  spot  must  shelter  him  after  this  fresh 
reverse.  On  his  way  to  and  from  Bujeya  he  had 
noticed  the  very  place  for  his  purpose — a  spot  easy 
to  defend,  perched  on  inaccessible  rocks,  yet  furnished 
with  a  good  harbour,  where  the  losses  of  recent  years 
might  be  repaired.  This  was  Jijil,  some  sixty  miles 
to  the  east  of  Bujcya  ;  whose  sturdy  inhabitants  owed 
allegiance  to  no  Sultan,  but  were  proud  to  welcome 
so  renowned,  although  now  so  unfortunate,  a  warrior 
as  Barbarossa.  So  at  Jijil  Uruj  dwelt,  and  cultivated 
the  good-will  of  the  people  with  spoils  of  corn  and 
goods  from  his  cruisers,  till  those  "  indomitable 
African  mountaineers,"  who  had  never  owned  a 
superior,  chose  him  by  acclamation  their  king. 


IV. 


THE  TAKING  OF  ALGIERS. 
1516 — 15T8. 

The  new  Sultan  of  Jljil  was  now  called  to  a 
much  more  serious  enterprize  than  heading  his  trucu- 
lent highlanders  against  a  neighbouring  tribe — though 
it  must  be  admitted  that  he  was  always  in  his 
element  when  fisticuffs  were  in  request.  An  appeal 
had  come  from  Algiers.  The  Moors  there  had  en- 
dured for  seven  years  the  embargo  of  the  Spaniards  ; 
they  had  seen  their  fregatas  rotting  before  their 
eyes,  and  never  dared  to  mend  them  ;  they  had 
viewed  many  a  rich  prize  sail  by,  and  never  so  much 
as  ventured  a  mile  out  to  sea  to  look  her  over  :  for 
there  were  keen  eyes  and  straight  shots  in  the  Pehon 
which  commanded  the  bay,  and  King  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic  held  a  firm  hand  over  the  tribute  which  his 
banished  subjects  had  to  pay  him  for  his  condes- 
cension in  ruining  them.  Their  occupation  was  gone  ; 
they  had  not  dragged  a  prize  ashore  for  years  ;  they 
must  rebel  or  starve.  At  this  juncture  Ferdinand 
opportunely  died  (15 16),  and  the  Algerine  Moors 
seized  their  chance.  They  stopped  the  tribute,  and 
called  in  the  aid  of  Salim,  the  neighbouring  Arab 


46 


THE  TAKING  OF  ALGIERS. 


sheykh,  whose  clansmen  would  make  the  city  safe  on 
the  land  side  "  But  what  are  they  to  do  with  the 
two  hundred  petulant  and  vexatious  Spaniards  in  the 
fort,  who  incessantly  pepper  the  town  with  their 
cannon,  and  make  the  houses  too  hot  to  hold  them  ; 
especially  when  they  are  hungry  ?  Little  would  the 
gallant  Arab  cavalry,  with  their  fine  Libyan  mares 
and  horses,  rich  coats-of-mail,  tough  targets,  well- 
tempered  sabres,  and  long  supple  lances,  avail  them 
against  the  Spanish  volleys.  And  who  so  proper  to 
redress  this  grievance  as  the  invincible  Barbarossa, 
who  was  master  of  a  naval  force,  and  wanted  not 
artillery  ?  Had  he  not  been  twice  to  reinstate  the 
unfortunate  King  of  Bujeya,  and  lost  a  limb  in  his 
service  ? 

"  Without  the  least  deliberation  Prince  Salim 
despatched  a  solemn  embassy  to  Jijil,  intreating 
Barbarossa,  in  whom  he  and  his  people  reposed  their 
entire  confidence,  to  hasten  to  their  assistance.  No 
message  whatever  could  have  been  more  welcome  to 
the  ambitious  Barbarossa  than  one  of  this  nature. 
His  new-acquired  realm  brought  him  in  but  a  very 
scanty  revenue  ;  nor  was  he  absolute.  .  .  .  He  had 
been  wretchedly  baffled  at  Bujeya,  but  hoped  for 
better  success  at  Algiers,  which,  likewise,  is  a  place  of 
much  greater  consequence,  and  much  more  convenient 
for  his  purpose,  which,  as  has  been  said,  was  to  erect 
a  great  monarchy  of  his  own  in  Barbary."  1 

With  some  six  thousand  men  and  sixteen  galleots 
Uruj  set  forth  by  sea  and  land  to  the  res-cue  of 
Algiers.  First  he  surprised  Shershel,  a  strong  position 
1  Morgan,  Hist,  of  Algiers,  233.  (1731.) 


URUJ  BARBAROSSA  AT  ALGIERS 


49 


fifteen  leagues  to  the  west  of  Algiers,  which  had  been 
occupied  by  Moors  from  Granada,  and  was  now  com- 
manded by  a  bold  Turkish  Corsair,  Kara  Hasan, 
who,  emulating  his  old  comrade's  success  with  the 
people  of  Jljil,  had  induced  the  Shershel  rovers  to 
accept  him  as  their  leader.  Uruj  had  no  liking  for 
two  Kings  of  Brentford,  and  took  off  Black  Hasan's 
head  as  a  friendly  precaution,  before  exposing  himself 
to  the  perils  of  another  contest  with  the  Spaniards. 

Soon  he  was  at  Algiers,  hospitably  lodged  and 
entertained,  he  and  all  his  men,  Turks  and  Jljilis 
alike,  by  Sheykh  Salim  and  the  people  of  the  town. 
There,  at  the  distance  of  a  crossbow-shot,  stood  the 
fortress  he  had  come  to  reduce,  and  thither  he  sent  a 
message  offering  a  safe  conduct  to  the  garrison  if 
they  would  surrender.  The  Spanish  captain  made 
reply  that  "  neither  threats  nor  proffered  curtesies 
availed  aught  with  men  of  his  kidney,"  and  told  him 
to  remember  Bujeya.  Upon  which  Uruj,  more  to 
please  his  unsuspicious  hosts  than  with  much  prospect 
of  success,  battered  the  Peiion  for  twenty  days  with 
his  light  field-pieces,  without  making  any  sensible 
breach  in  the  defences. 

Meanwhile,  the  Arabs  and  Moors  who  had  called 
him  to  their  aid  were  becoming  aware  of  their 
mistake.  Instead  of  getting  rid  of  their  old  enemy 
the  Spaniard,  they  had  imported  a  second,  worse  than 
the  first,  and  Uruj  soon  showed  them  who  was  to  be 
master.  He  and  his  Turks  treated  the  ancient 
Moorish  families,  who  had  welcomed  them  within 
their  gates,  with  an  insolence  that  was  hard  to  be 
borne  by  descendants  of  the  Abencerrages  and  other 


50 


THE  TAKING  OF  ALGIERS. 


noble  houses  of  Granada.  Salim,  the  Arab  Sheykh, 
was  the  first  to  feel  the  despot's  power :  he  was 
murdered  in  his  bath — it  was  said  by  the  Corsair 
himself.  In  their  alarm,  the  Algerines  secretly  made 
common  cause  with  the  soldiers  of  the  Penon,  and  a 
general  rising  was  planned  ;  but  one  day  at  Friday 
prayers  Barbarossa  let  the  crowded  congregation 
know  that  their  designs  were  not  unsuspected. 
Shutting  the  gates,  the  Turks  bound  their  enter- 
tainers with  the  turbans  off  their  heads,  and  the 
immediate  decapitation  of  the  ringleaders  at  the 
mosque  door  quelled  the  spirit  of  revolt.  Nor  was  a 
great  Armada,  sent  by  Cardinal  Ximenes,  and  com- 
manded by  Don  Diego  de  Vera,  more  successful  than 
the  Algerine  rebellion.  Seven  thousand  Spaniards 
were  utterly  routed  by  the  Turks  and  Arabs  ;  and  to 
complete  the  discomfiture  of  the  Christians  a  violent 
tempest  drove  their  ships  ashore,  insomuch  that  this 
mighty  expedition  was  all  but  annihilate. 

An  adventurer  who,  with  a  motley  following  of 
untrained  bandits  and  nomads,  could  overthrow  a 
Spanish  army  was  a  phenomenon  which  the  Christian 
States  now  began  to  eye  with  considerable  anxiety. 
From  the  possessor  of  a  strong  place  or  two  on  the 
coast,  he  had  become  nothing  less  than  the  Sultan  of 
Middle  Barbary  {Maghrib  el-Awsat).  When  the  Prince 
of  Tinnis  raised  the  whole  country  side  against  him, 
and  a  mighty  host  was  rolling  down  upon  Algiers, 
Uruj  marched  out  with  one  thousand  Turks  and 
five  hundred  Moors,  and  never  a  cannon  amongst 
them,  and  smote  the  enemy  hip  and  thigh,  and 
pursued  them  into  their  own  city:    The  prince  of 


DEATH  OF  URUJ  BARBAROSSA. 


51 


Tinnis  took  to  the  mountains,  and  Uruj  Barbarossa 
reigned  in  his  stead  (15 17).  Then  Tilimsan 
fell  into  his  possession,  and  save  that  the  Spaniards 
held  Oran  and  two  or  three  fortresses,  such  as 
the  Penon  de  Alger  and  Bujeya,  his  dominions 
coincided  with  modern  Algeria,  and  marched  with 
the  kingdoms  of  Tunis  and  Fez.  He  was  in  a 
position  to  form  alliances  with  Fez  and  Morocco. 
His  galleots  were  punctilious,  moreover,  in  returning 
the  call  of  Don  Diego  de  Vera,  and  many  an 
expectant  merchant  in  Genoa,  or  Naples,  or  Venice, 
strained  his  eyes  in  vain  for  the  argosy  that,  thanks 
to  the  Corsair's  vigilance,  would  never  again  sail 
proudly  into  the  harbour. 

When  all  this  came  to  the  ears  of  the  new  King  of 
Spain,  afterwards  the  Emperor  Charles  V ,  he  yielded 
to  the  prayer  of  the  Marquis  de  Comares,  Governor  of 
Oran,  and  despatched  ten  thousand  veterans  to  make 
an  end  of  the  Corsairs  once  and  for  ever  Uruj  Bar- 
barossa was  then  stationed  at  Tilimsan  with  only  1,500 
men,  and  when  the  hosts  of  the  enemy  drew  near  he 
made  a  bolt  by  night  for  Algiers,  taking  his  Turks  and 
his  treasure  with  him.  The  news  soon  reached  the 
enemy's  scouts,  and  the  Marquis  gave  hot  pursuit.  A 
river  with  steep  banks  lay  in  the  fugitives'  path  :  could 
they  pass  it,  they  would  have  the  chances  in  their 
favour.  Uruj  scattered  his  jewels  and  gold  behind  him, 
vainly  hoping  to  delay  the  greedy  Spaniards ;  but 
Comares  trampled  over  everything,  and  came  up  with 
the  Turkish  rear  when  but  half  their  force  had  crossed 
the  river.  Their  leader  was  already  safe  on  the  other 
side,  but  the  cries  of  his  rear-guard  brought  him  back. 


52 


THE  TAKING  OF  ALGIERS. 


The  Corsair  was  not  the  man  to  desert  his  followers, 
and  without  an  instant's  hesitation  he  recrossed  the 
fatal  stream  and  threw  himself  into  the  fray.  Hardly 
a  Turk  or  a  Moor  escaped  from  that  bloody  field. 
Facing  round,  they  fought  till  they  dropped ;  and 
among  them  the  vigorous  figure  of  Barbarossa  was 
ever  to  be  seen,  laying  about  him  with  his  one  arm 
like  a  lion  to  the  last. 

"  Uruj  Barbarossa,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
those  who  remember  him,  was,  when  he  died,  about 
forty-four  years  of  age.  He  was  not  very  tall  of  stature, 
but  extremely  well  set  and  robust.  His  hair  and 
beard  perfectly  red  ;  his  eyes  quick,  sparkling  and  lively ; 
his  nose  aquiline  or  Roman  ;  and  his  complexion 
between  brown  and  fair.  He  was  a  man  exces- 
sively bold,  resolute,  daring,  magnanimous,  enterpriz- 
ing,  profusely  liberal,  and  in  nowise  bloodthirsty, 
except  in  the  heat  of  battle,  nor  rigorously  cruel 
but  when  disobeyed  He  was  highly  beloved,  feared, 
and  respected,  by  his  soldiers  and  domestics,  and  when 
dead  was  by  them  all  in  general  most  bitterly  re- 
gretted and  lamented.  He  left  neither  son  nor 
daughter.  He  resided  in  Barbary  fourteen  years, 
during  which  the  harms  he  did  to  the  Christians  are 
inexpressible."  1 

1  Morgan,  257. 


V. 


KHEYR-ED-DIN  BAKBAROSSA. 
1518— 1530. 

Uruj  Barbarossa,  the  gallant,  impulsive,  reckless, 
lovable  soldier  of  fortune  was  dead,  and  it  seemed  as 
if  all  the  power  he  had  built  up  by  his  indomitable 
energy  must  inevitably  vanish  with  its  founder.  The 
Marquis  de  Comares  and  the  Spanish  army  held  the 
fate  of  Algiers  in  their  hands  ;  one  steady  march,  and 
surely  the  Corsairs  must  be  swept  out  of  Africa.  But, 
with  what  would  seem  incredible  folly,  if  it  had  not 
been  often  repeated,  the  troops  were  shipped  back  to 
Spain,  the  Marquis  returned  to  his  post  at  Oran, 
and  the  opportunity  was  lost  for  three  hundred  years. 
The  Algerines  drew  breath  again,  and  their  leader 
began  to  prepare  fresh  schemes  of  conquest. 

The  mantle  of  Uruj  had  fallen  upon  worthy 
shoulders.  The  elder  brother  possessed,  indeed,  match- 
less qualities  for  deeds  of  derring-do ;  to  lead  a 
storming  party,  board  a  galleon, — cut  and  thrust  and 
"have  at  you," — he  had  no  equal :  but  Kheyr-ed-dln, 
with  like  courage  and  determination,  was  gifted  with 
prudent  and  statesmanlike  intelligence,  which  led  him 


54 


KHE  V R-ED-DIN  BARBAROSSA. 


to  greater  enterprizes,  though  not  to  more  daring 
exploits.  He  measured  the  risk  by  the  end,  and 
never  exposed  himself  needlessly  to  the  hazard  of 
defeat  ;  but  when  he  saw  his  way  clear,  none  struck 
harder  or  more  effectual  blows.1 

His  first  proceeding  was  typical  of  his  sagacious 
mind.  He  sent  an  ambassador  to  Constantinople,  to 
lay  his  homage  at  the  feet  of  the  Grand  Signior,  and 
to  beg  his  Majesty's  favour  and  protection  for  the 
new  province  of  Algiers,  which  was  now  by  his  humble 
servant  added  to  the  Ottoman  Empire.  The  reply 
was  gracious.  Selim  had  just  conquered  Egypt,  and 
Algiers  formed  an  important  western  extension  of  his 
African  dominion.  The  sage  Corsair  was  immediately 
appointed  Beglerbeg,  or  Governor-General,  of  Algiers 
(1519)1  and  invested  with  the  insignia  of  office,  the 
horse  and  scimitar  and  horsetail-banner.  Not  only 
this,  but  the  Sultan  sent  a  guard  of  two  thousand 
Janissaries  to  his  viceroy's  aid,  and  offered  special 
inducements  to  such  of  his  subjects  as  would  pass 
westward  to  Algiers  and  help  to  strengthen  the 
Corsair's  authority. 

The  Beglerbeg  lost  no  time  in  repairing  the  damage 
of  the  Spaniards.  He  reinforced  his  garrisons  along 
the  coast,  at  Meliana,  Shershel,  Tinnis,  and  Musta- 

1  Kheyr-ed-dln  (pronounced  by  the  Turks  Hare-ud(en).  as  has  been 
-aid,  is  the  Barbarossa  of  modern  writers,  and  it  is  probable  that  the 
name  was  given  to  him  originally  under  some  impression  thit  it  was  of 
the  nature  of  a  family  name.  Haedo,  Marmol,  and  Hajji  Khalifa  all 
give  him  this  title,  though  his  beard  was  auburn,  while  Uruj  was  the 
true  "  Red-Beard. ;'  Neither  of  the  brothers  was  ever  called  Barbarossa 
by  Turks  or  Moors,  and  Hajji  Khalifa  records  the  title  merely  as  used 
by  Europeans.    The  popular  usage  is  here  adopted. 


APPOINTED  BEGLERBEO 


55 


ghanim,  and  struck  up  alliances  with  the  threat  Aral) 
tribes  of  the  interior.  An  armada  of  some  fifty  men- 
of-war  and  transports,  including  eight  galleys-royal, 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Don  Hugo  de  Mon- 
cada,  in  vain  landed  an  army  of  veterans  on  the 
Algerinc  strand  •  they  were  driven  back  in  confusion, 
and  one  of  those  storms,  for  which  the  coast  bears  so 


OBSERVATION  WITH  THE  CROSSBOW. 
[Jurien  de  la  Graviere.) 

evil  a  name,  finished  the  work  of  Turkish  steel  (i  5  19). 
One  after  the  other,  the  ports  and  strongholds  of 
Middle  Rarbary  fell  into  the  Corsair's  hands  :  Col, 
Bona,  Constantinc,  owned  the  sway  of  Kheyr-ed-dTn 
Barbarossa,  who  was  now  free  to  resume  his  favourite 
occupation  of  scouring  the  seas  in  search  of  Christian 
quarry.    Once  or  twice  in  every  year  he  would  lead 


56 


KHE  YR-ED-DIN  BA  RBA  ROSS  A . 


out  his  own  eighteen  stout  galleots,  and  call  to  his  side 
other  daring  spirits  whom  the  renown  of  his  name  had 
drawn  from  the  Levant,  each  with  his  own  swift 
cruiser  manned  by  stout  arms  and  the  pick  of  Turkish 
desperadoes.  There  you  might  see  him  surrounded 
by  captains  who  were  soon  to  be  famous  wherever 
ships  were  to  be  seized  or  coasts  harried  ; — by  Dragut, 
Salih  Rei's,  Sinan  the  "Jew  of  Smyrna,"  who  was 
suspected  of  black  arts  because  he  could  take  a 
declination  with  the  crossbow,  and  that  redoubtable 
rover  Aydin  Rei's,  whom  the  Spaniards  dubbed  CacJia- 
diablo,  or  "  Drub-devil,"  though  he  had  better  been 
named  Drub-Spaniard.  The  season  for  cruising  began 
in  May,  and  lasted  till  the  autumn  storms  warned 
vessels  to  keep  the  harbours,  or  at  least  to  attempt  no 
distant  expeditions.  During  the  summer  months  the 
Algerine  galleots  infested  every  part  of  the  Western 
Mediterranean,  levied  contributions  of  slaves  and 
treasure  upon  the  Balearic  Isles  and  the  coasts  of 
Spain,  and  even  passed  beyond  the  straits  to  waylay 
the  argosies  which  were  returning  to  Cadiz  laden  with 
the  gold  and  jewels  of  the  Indies.  Nothing  was  safe 
from  their  attacks  ;  not  a  vessel  ran  the  gauntlet  of 
the  Barbary  coast  in  her  passage  from  Spain  to  Italy 
without  many  a  heart  quaking  within  her.  The 
"  Scourge  of  Christendom  "  had  begun,  which  was  to 
keep  all  the  nations  of  Europe  in  perpetual  alarm  for 
three  centuries.  The  Algerine  Corsairs  were  masters 
of  the  sea,  and  they  made  their  mastery  felt  by  all  who 
dared  to  cross  their  path  ;  and  not  merchantmen  only, 
but  galleys-royal  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  learnt  to 
dread  the  creak  of  the  Turkish  rowlock. 


"  DRUB  DEVIL." 


57 


One  day  in  1529  Kheyr-ed-dln  despatched  his 
trusty  lieutenant  "  Drub-Devil  "  with  fourteen  galleots 
to  make  a  descent  upon  Majorca  and  the  neighbour- 
ing islands.  No  job  could  be  more  suited  to  the 
Corsair's  taste,  and  Salih  Reis,  who  was  with  him, 
fully  shared  his  enjoyment  of  the  task.  The  pair 
began  in  the  usual  way  by  taking  several  prizes  on 
the  high  seas,  dropping  down  upon  the  islands  and 
the  Spanish  coasts,  and  carrying  off  abundance  of 
Christians  to  serve  at  the  oar,  or  to  purchase  their 
liberty  with  those  pieces-of-eight  which  never  came 
amiss  to  the  rover's  pockets.  Tidings  reaching  them 
of  a  party  of  Moriscos  who  were  eager  to  make  their 
escape  from  their  Spanish  masters,  and  were  ready  to 
pay  handsomely  for  a  passage  to  Barbary.  "  Drub- 
Devil  "  and  his  comrades  landed  by  night  near  01iva; 
embarked  two  hundred  families  and  much  treasure, 
and  lay-to  under  the  island  of  Formentara.  Un- 
fortunately General  Portundo,  with  eight  Spanish 
galleys,  was  just  then  on  his  way  back  from  Genoa, 
whither  he  had  conveyed  Charles  V.  to  be  crowned 
Emperor  by  the  Pope  at  Bologna  ;  and,  being  straight- 
way informed  of  the  piratical  exploit  which  had 
taken  place,  bore  away  for  the  Balearic  Isles 
in  hot  pursuit.  "  Drub-Devil  "  hastily  landed  his 
Morisco  friends,  to  be  the  better  prepared  to  fight  or 
run,  for  the  sight  of  eight  big  galleys  was  more  than 
he  had  bargained  for  ;  but  to  his  surprise  the  enemy 
came  on,  well  within  gunshot,  without  firing  a  single 
round.  Portundo  was  anxious  not  to  sink  the  Turks, 
for  fear  of  drowning  the  fugitive  Moriscos,  whom  he 
supposed  to  be  on  board,  and  for  whose  recapture  he 


58 


KHE  YR-ED-DIN  BARBAROSSA. 


was  to  have  ten  thousand  ducats  ;  but  the  Corsairs 
imputed  his  conduct  to  cowardice,  and,  suddenly 
changing  their  part  from  attacked  to  attackers,  they 
swooped  like  eagles  upon  the  galleys,  and  after  a 
brisk  hand-to-hand  combat,  in  which  Portundo  was 
slain,  they  carried  seven  of  them  by  assault,  and  sent 
the  other  flying  at  topmost  speed  to  Ivica.  This  bold 
stroke  brought  to  Algiers,  besides  the  Moriscos,  who 
had  watched  the  battle  anxiously  from  tl  e  Hand, 
many  valuable  captives  of  rank,  and  released  hundreds 
of  Moslem  galley-slaves  from  irons  and  the  lash.1 
"Drub-Devil"  had  a  splendid  reception,  we  may  be  sure, 
when  the  people  of  Algiers  saw  seven  royal  galleys, 
including  the  capitana,  or  flagship,  of  Spain,  moored 
in  their  roads  ;  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  with  such 
triumphs  the  new  Barbary  State  flourished  exceed- 
ingly. 

Fortified  by  a  series  of  unbroken  successes,  Kheyr- 
ed-dln  at  last  ventured  to  attack  the  Spanish  garrison, 
which  had  all  this  time  affronted  him  at  the  Pehon 
de  Alger  It  was  provoking  to  be  obliged  to  beach 
his  galleots  a  mile  to  the  west,  and  to  drag  them 
painfully  up  the  strand  ;  and  the  merchantmen, 
moored  east  of  the  city,  were  exposed  to  the 
weather  to  such  a  degree  as  to  imperil  their  com- 
merce. Kheyr-ed-din  resolved  to  have  a  port  of  his 
own  at  Algiers,  with  no  Spanish  bridle  to  curb  him. 
He  summoned  Don  Martin  de  Vargas  to  surrender, 
and,  on  his  refusal,  bombarded  the  Penon  day  and 
night  for  fifteen  days  with  heavy  cannon,  partly 
founded  in  Algiers,  partly  seized  from  a  French 
1  Morgan,  264-6. 


FALL  OF  THE  PENON. 


59 


galleon,  till  an  assault  was  practicable,  when  the 
feeble  remnant  of  the  garrison  was  quickly  over- 
powered and  sent  to  the  bagnios.  The  stones  of 
the  fortress  were  used  to  build  the  gre'at  mole  which 
protects  Algiers  harbour  on  the  west,  and  for  two 
whole  years  the  Christian  slaves  were  laboriously 
employed  upon  the  work. 

To  aggravate  this  disaster,  a  curious  sight  was 
seen  a  fortnight  after  the  fall  of  the  Penon.  Nine 
transports,  full  of  men  and  ammunition  for  the 
reinforcement  of  the  garrison,  hove  in  sight,  and 
long  they  searched  to  and  fro  for  the  well-known 
fortress  they  had  come  to  succour.  And  whilst 
they  marvelled  that  they  could  not  discover  it,  out 
dashed  the  Corsairs  in  their  galleots  and  light 
shebeks,  and  seized  the  whole  convoy,  together 
with  two  thousand  seven  hundred  captives  and  a  fine 
store  of  arms  and  provisions.1 

Everything  that  Kheyr-ed-dTn  took  in  hand  seemed 
to  prosper.  His  fleet  increased  month  by  month,  till 
he  had  thirty-six  of  his  own  galleots  perpetually  on 
the  cruise  in  the  summer  season  ;  his  prizes  were 
innumerable,  and  his  forces  were  increased  by  the 
fighting  men  of  the  seventy  thousand  Moriscos  whom 
he  rescued,  in  a  series  of  voyages,  from  servitude  in 
Spain.  The  waste  places  of  Africa  were  peopled 
with  the  industrious  agriculturists  and  artisans  whom 
the  Spanish  Government  knew  not  how  to  employ. 
The  foundries  and  dockyards  of  Algiers  teemed 
with   busy   workmen.     Seven    thousand  Christian 

1  Jurien  de  la  Graviere,  Doria  et  Barberousse,  Pt.  I  . 
ch.  xxi. 


6o 


KHEYR-ED-DIS  BARBAROSSA 


slaves  laboured  at  the  defensive  works  and  the 
harbour  ;  and  every  attempt  of  the  Emperor  to 
rescue  them  and  destroy  the  pirates  was  repelled 
with  disastrous  loss. 


VI. 


THE    OTTOMAN  NAVY. 
1470— 1522. 

No  one  appreciated  better  the  triumphs  of  the 
Beglerbeg  of  Algiers  than  Sultan  Suleyman.  The 
Ottomans,  as  yet  inexperienced  in  naval  affairs,  were 
eager  to  take  lessons.  The  Turkish  navy  had  been 
of  slow  growth,  chiefly  because  in  early  days  there 
were  always  people  ready  to  act  as  sailors  for  pay. 
When  Murad  I.  wished  to  cross  from  Asia  to 
Europe  to  meet  the  invading  army  of  Vladislaus 
and  Hunyady,  the  Genoese  skippers  were  happy  to 
carry  over  his  men  for  a  ducat  a  head,  just  to  spite 
their  immemorial  foes  the  Venetians,  who  were 
enlisted  on  the  other  side.  It  was  not  till  the  fall 
of  Constantinople  gave  the  Turks  the  command  of 
the  Bosphorus  that  Mohammed  II.  resolved  to  create 
for  himself  a  naval  power. 

That  fatal  jealousy  between  the  Christian  States 
which  so  often  aided  the  progress  of  the  Turks 
helped  them  now.  The  great  commercial  republics, 
Genoa  and  Venice,  had  long  been  struggling  for 
supremacy  on  the  sea     Venice  held  many  impor- 


62 


THE  OTTOMAN  SAW. 


tant  posts  among  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago 
and  on  the  Syrian  coast,  where  the  Crusaders  had 
rewarded  her  naval  assistance  with  the  gift  of  the 
fortress  of  Acre.  Genoa  was  stronger  in  the  Black 
Sea  and  Marmora,  where,  until  the  coming  of  the 
Turks,  her  colony  at  Galata  was  little  less  than  an 
Oriental  Genoa  The  Genoese  tower  is  still  seen 
on  the  steep  slope  of  Pera,  and  Genoese  forts  are 
common  objects  in  the  Bosphorus,  and  in  the  Crimea, 
where  they  dominate  the  little  harbour  of  Balaklava 
The  Sea  of  Marmora  was  the  scene  of  many  a  deadly 
contest  between  the  rival  fleets.  In  1352,  under  the 
walls  of  Constantinople,  the  Genoese  defeated  the 
combined  squadrons  of  the  Venetians,  the  Cata- 
lonians,  and  the  Greeks.  But  next  year  the  Bride 
of  the  Sea  humbled  the  pride  of  Genoa  in  a  dis- 
astrous engagement  off  Alghero  ;  and  in  1380,  when 
the  Genoese  had  gained  possession  of  Chioggia  and 
all  but  occupied  Venice  itself,  the  citizens  rose  like 
one  man  to  meet  the  desperate  emergency,  and  not 
only  repulsed,  but  surrounded  the  invaders,  and 
forced  them  to  capitulate.  From  this  time  Genoa 
declined  in  power,  while  Venice  waxed  stronger 
and  more  haughty.  The  conquest  of  Constantinople 
by  the  Turks,  followed  rapidly  by  the  expulsion  of 
the  Genoese  from  Trebizond,  Sinope,  Kaffa,  and 
Azov,  was  the  end  of  the  commercial  prosperity  of 
the  Ligurian  Republic  in  the  East.  The  Black  Sea 
and  Marmora  were  now  Turkish  lakes  The  Castles 
of  the  Dardanelles,  mounted  with  heavy  guns,  pro- 
tected any  Ottoman  fleet  from  pursuit ;  and  though 
Giacomo  Veniero  defiantly  carried  his  own  ship 


VENICE  AND  THE  PORTE. 


under  fire  through  the  strait  and  back  again  with 
the  loss  of  only  eleven  men,  no  one  cared  to  follow 
his  example. 

When  Mohammed  II.  issued  forth  with  a  fleet  of 
one  hundred  galleys  and  two  hundred  transports, 
carrying  seventy  thousand  troops,  and  ravished  the 
Negropont  away  from  Venice  in  1470,  he  had  only 
to  repass  the  Hellespont  to  be  absolutely  safe.  All 
that  the  Venetian  admirals,  the  famous  Loredani, 
could  do  was  to  retaliate  upon  such  islands  of  the 
Archipelago  as  were  under  Turkish  sway  and  ravage 
the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor.  Superior  as  they  were  to 
the  Turks  in  the  building  and  management  of  galleys, 
they  had  not  the  military  resources  of  their  foe. 
Their  troops  were  mercenaries,  not  to  be  compared 
with  the  Janissaries  and  Sipahis,  though  the  hardy 
Stradiotes  from  Epirus,  dressed  like  Turks,  but 
without  the  turban,  of  whom  Othello  is  a  familiar 
specimen,  came  near  to  rivalling  them.  On  land, 
the  Republic  could  not  meet  the  troops  of  the 
Grand  Signior,  and  after  her  very  existence  had 
been  menaced  by  the  near  approach  of  a  Turkish 
army  on  the  banks  of  the  Piave 1  (1477),  Venice 
made  peace,  and  even,  it  is  said,  incited  the  Turks 
to  the  capture  of  Otranto.  The  Ottoman  galleys 
were  now  free  of  the  Adriatic,  and  carried  fire  and 
sword  along  the  Italian  coast,  insomuch  that  when- 
ever the  crescent  was  seen  at  a  vessel's  peak  the 
terrified  villagers  fled  inland,  and  left  their  homes 
at  the  mercy  of  the  pirates.  The  period  of  the 
Turkish  Corsairs  had  already  begun. 

1  See  S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Story  of  Turkey,  135. 


66 


THE  OTTOMAN  NAVY. 


There  was  another  naval  power  to  be  reckoned 
with  besides  discredited  Genoa  and  tributary  Venice. 
The  Knights  •  Hospitallers  of  Jerusalem,  driven  from 
Smyrna  (in  1403)  by  Timur,  had  settled  at  Rhodes, 
which  they  hastened  to  render  impregnable.  Appa- 
rently they  succeeded,  for  attack  after  attack  from 
the  Mamluk  Sultans  of  Egypt  failed  to  shake  them 
from  their  stronghold,  whence  they  commanded  the 
line  of  commerce  between  Alexandria  and  Constan- 
tinople, and  did  a  brisk  trade  in  piracy  upon  passing 
vessels.  The  Knights  of  Rhodes  were  the  Christian 
Corsairs  of  the  Levant  ;  the  forests  of  Caramania 
furnished  them  with  ships,  and  the  populations  of  Asia 
Minor  supplied  them  with  slaves.  So  long  as  they 
roved  the  seas  the  Sultan's  galleys  were  ill  at  ease. 
Even  Christian  ships  suffered  from  their  high-handed 
proceedings,  and  Venice  looked  on  with  open  satis- 
faction when,  in  1480,  Mohammed  II.  despatched 
one  hundred  and  sixty  ships  and  a  large  army  to 
humble  the  pride  of  the  Knights.  The  siege  failed, 
however ;  D'Aubusson,  the  Grand  Master,  repulsed 
the  general  assault  with  furious  heroism,  and  the 
Turks  retired  with  heavy  loss.1 

Finding  that  the  Ottomans  were  not  quite  invin- 
cible, Venice  plucked  up  heart,  and  began  to  prepare 
for  hostilities  with  her  temporary  ally.  The  interval 
of  friendliness  had  been  turned  to  good  account  by 
the  Turks.  Yani,  the  Christian  shipbuilder  of  the 
Sultan,  had  studied  the  improvements  of  the  Vene- 
tians, and  he  now  constructed  two  immense  kokas, 
seventy  cubits  long  and  thirty  in  the  beam,  with 

'  See  The  Story  of  Turkey,  136. 


BATTLE  OF  ZONCHIO. 


67 


masts  of  several  trees  spliced  together,  measuring 
four  cubits  round.  Forty  men  in  armour  might 
stand  in  the  maintop  and  fire  down  upon  the  enemy. 
There  were  two  decks,  one  like  a  galleon's  deck, 
and  the  other  like  a  galley,  each  with  a  big  gun 
on  either  side.  Four-and-tvventy  oars  a  side,  on  the 
upper  deck,  were  propelled  each  by  nine  men.  Boats 
hung  from  the  stern  •  and  the  ship's  complement 
consisted  (so  says  Hajji  Khalifa) 1  of  two  thousand 
soldiers  and  sailors.  Kemal  Rei's  and  Borak  Rei's 
commanded  these  two  prodigies,  and  the  whole 
fleet,  numbering  some  three  hundred  other  vessels, 
was  despatched  to  the  Adriatic  under  the  command 
of  Daud  Pasha.    The  object  of  attack  was  Lepanto. 

Towards  the  end  of  July,  1499,  they  sighted  the 
Venetian  fleet,  which  was  on  the  look-out  for  them, 
off  Modon.  They  counted  forty-four  galleys,  sixteen 
galleasses,  and  twenty-eight  ordinary  sail.  Neither 
courted  an  action,  which  each  knew  to  be  fraught  with 
momentous  consequences.  Grimani,  the  Venetian 
admiral,  retired  to  Navarino  ;  the  Turks  anchored 
off  Sapienza.  On  August  12th  Daud  Pasha,  who 
knew  the  Sultan  was  awaiting  him  with  the  land 
forces  at  Lepanto,  resolved  to  push  on  at  all  costs. 
In  those  days  Turkish  navigators  had  little  confi- 
dence in  the  open  sea  ;  they  preferred  to  hug  the 
shore,  where  they  might  run  into  a  port  in  case 
of  bad  weather.  Daud  accordingly  endeavoured 
to  pass  between  the  island  of  Prodano  and  the 
Morea,  just  north  of  Navarino.  Perfectly  aware  of 
his  course,  the  Venetians  had  drawn  out  their  fleet 

'  History  of  the  Maritime  Wars  of  the  Turks,  20. 


68 


THE  OTTOMAN  NAVY. 


at  the  upper  end  of  the  narrow  passage,  where  they 
had  the  best  possible  chance  of  catching  the  enemy 
in  confused  order.   The  Proveditore  of  Corfu,  Andrea 

Loredano,  had  reinforced  the  Christian  fleet  that 
very  day  with  ten  ships  ;  the  position  was  well 
chosen  ;  the  wind  was  fair,  and  drove  full  down 
upon  the  Turks  as  they  emerged  from  the  strait. 
But  the  Venetian  admiral  placed  his  chief  reliance 
in  his  galleasses,  and  as  yet  the  art  of  manoeuvring 
sailing  vessels  in  battle  array  was  in  its  youth.  Bad 
steering  here,  a  wrong  tack  there,  and  then  ship  ran 
against  ship,  the  great  galleasses  became  entangled 
and  helpless,  carried  by  the  wind  into  the  midst  of  the 
enemy,  or  borne  away  where  they  were  useless,  and 
the  Turkish  galleys  had  it  all  their  own  way.  Lore- 
dano's  flagship  burnt  down  to  the  water,  and  other 
vessels  were   destroyed   by  fire.    Yani's  big  ships 

layed  an  important  part  in  the  action.  Two  gal- 
leasses, each  containing  a  thousand  men,  and  two 
other  vessels,  surrounded  Borak  Rei's,  but  the  smaller 
ships  could  not  fire  over  the  kokas  lofty  sides,  and 
were  speedily  sunk.  Borak  Rei's  threw  burning  pitch 
into  the  galleasses,  and  burnt  up  crews  and  ships,  till, 
his  own  vessel  catching  fire,  he  and  other  notable 
captains,  after  performing  prodigies  of  valour, 
perished  in  the  flames.  Wherefore  the  island  of 
Prodano  is  by  the  Turks  called  Borak  Isle  to  this 
day.1  To  the  Christians  the  action  was  known  as 
"  the  deplorable  battle  of  Zonchio,"  from  the  name 
of  the  old  castle  of  Navarino,  beneath  which  it  was 
fought. 

1  Hajji  Khalifa,  21. 


CONQUEST  OF  LEPANTO. 


71 


In  spite  of  his  success  at  Zonchio,  Daud  Pasha  had 
still  to  fight  his  way  up  to  Lepanto.  The  Venetians 
had  collected  their  scattered  fleet,  and  had  been  rein- 
forced by  their  allies  of  France  and  Rhodes  ;  it  was 
clear  they  were  bent  on  revenge.  The  Turks  hugged 
the  land,  dropped  anchor  at  night,  and  kept  a  sharp 
look-out.  It  was  a  perpetual  skirmish  all  the  way. 
The  Venetians  tried  to  surprise  the  enemy  at  their 
moorings,  but  they  were  already  at  sea,  and  squally 
weather  upset  Grimani's  strategy  and  he  had  the 
mortification  of  seeing  his  six  fire-ships  burning 
innocuously  with  never  a  Turk  the  worse.  Again 
and  again  it  seemed  impossible  that  Daud  could 
escape,  but  Grimani's  Fabian  policy  delivered  the 
enemy  out  of  his  hands,  and  when  finally  the  Turkish 
fleet  sailed  triumphantly  into  the  Gulf  of  Patras, 
where  it  was  protected  by  the  Sultan's  artillery  at 
Lepanto, the  Grand  Prior  of  Auvergne.who  commanded 
the  French  squadron,  sailed  away  in  disgust  at  the 
pusillanimity  of  his  colleague.  Lepanto  fell,  August 
28th  ;  and  Grimani  was  imprisoned,  nominally  for 
life,  for  his  blundering  :  nevertheless,  after  twenty-one 
years  he  was  made  Doge.1 

Venice  never  recovered  from  her  defeat.  The  loss 
of  Lepanto  and  the  consequent  closing  of  the  gulfs  of 
Patras  and  Corinth  were  followed  by  the  capture  of 
Modon,  commanding  the  strait  of  Sapienza  :  the  east 
coast  of  the  Adriatic  and  Ionian  seas  was  no  longer 
open  to  Christian  vessels.  The  Oriental  trade  of  the 
republic  was  further  seriously  impaired  by  the  Turkish 

1  JURIEN  DE  LA  Graviere,  Doria  et  Barberousse,  Pt.  I., 
ch.  xv. 


72 


THE  OTTOMAN  NAVY. 


conquest  of  Egypt  (1517},1  which  deprived  her  of  her 
most  important  mart  ;  and  the  discovery  of  the  New 
World  brought  Spanish  traders  into  successful  com- 
petition with  her  own.  Venice  indeed  was  practically 
an  Oriental  city  ;  her  skilled  workmen  learned  their 
arts  in  Egypt  and  Mesopotamia  ;  her  bazaars  were 
filled  with  the  products  of  the  East,  with  the  dimity 
and  other  cloths  and  silks  and  brocades  of  Damietta, 
Alexandria,  Tinnes,  and  Cairo,  cotton  from  Ba'lbekk, 
silk  from  Baghdad,  atlas  satin  from  Ma'din  in 
Armenia  ;  and  she  introduced  to  Europe  not  only 
the  products  of  the  East,  but  their  very  names. 
Sarcenet  is  Saracen  stuff ;  tabby  is  named  after  a 
street  in  Baghdad  where  watered  silk  was  made ; 
Baldacchini  are  simply  "  Baldac,"  i.e.,  Baghdad, 
canopies  ;  samite  is  Sham!,  "  Syrian,"  fabric ;  the  very 
coat  of  the  Egyptian,  the  jubba,  is  preserved  in 
giuppa,  jupe.2  With  the  loss  of  her  Oriental  com- 
merce, which  the  hostility  of  the  Turks  involved, 
Venice  could  no  longer  hold  her  own.  She  bowed  to 
her  fate  and  acknowledged  the  Turkish  supremacy  by 
sea  as  well  as  by  land.  She  even  paid  the  Sultan 
tribute  for  the  island  of  Cyprus.  WThen  Suleyman 
the  Magnificent  succeeded  Selim  and  took  Belgrade 
( 1 5 2 1 ),  Venice  hastily  increased  her  payment  and  did 
homage  for  Zante  as  well.  So  meek  had  now 
become  the  Bride  of  the  Sea. 

Turkey  still  suffered  the  annoyance  of  the  Rhodian 
Corsairs,  and  till  they  were  removed  her  naval  sup- 
remacy was  not  complete.    Genoa  and  Venice  had 

1  See  the  Story  of  Turkey,  1 58-163. 

3  See  S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Art  of  the  Saracens,  239,  &c. 


SIEGE  OF  RHODES. 


73 


been  humbled  :  the  turn  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John 
was  come.  SelTm  had  left  his  son,  the  great  Suley- 
man,  the  legacy  of  a  splendid  fleet,  prepared  for  this 
very  enterprize.  One  hundred  and  three  swift  galleys, 
thirty-five  galleasses,  besides  smaller  craft,  and  107 
transports,  "  naves,  fustes,  mahones,  tafforees,  galions, 
et  esquirasses,"  1  formed  a  noble  navy,  and  Rhodes 
fell,  after  an  heroic  defence,  at  the  close  of  1522. 
For  six  months  the  Knights  held  out,  against  a 
fleet  which  had  swollen  to  four  hundred  sail  and  an 
army  of  over  a  hundred  thousand  men  commanded 
by  the  Sultan  in  person.  It  was  a  crisis  in  the  history 
of  Europe  :  the  outpost  of  Christendom  was  at  bay. 
The  Knights  realized  their  duty  nobly,  but  they  had 
the  best  engineers  in  the  world  against  them,  and  all 
the  resources  of  a  now  mighty  empire,  wielded  by  a 
master-mind.  Suleyman  surrounded  the  city  with 
his  works,  and  made  regular  approaches  for  his  advanc- 
ing batteries  and  mines  ;  yet  at  the  end  of  a  month 
not  a  wall  was  down,  and  the  eight  bastions  of  the 
eight  Tongues  of  the  Order — the  English,  French, 
Spanish,  Italian,  Portuguese,  German,  Provencal,  and 
Auvergnat — were  so  far  unmoved.  Gabriel  Martinego 
of  Candia  superintended  the  countermines  with  marked 
success.2  At  last  the  English  bastion  was  blown  up  ; 
the  Turks  swarmed  to  the  breach,  and  were  beaten 
back  with  a  loss  of  two  thousand  men.  A  second 
assault  failed,  but  on  September  24th  they  succeeded 
in  getting  a  foothold,  and  the  destruction  of  the 
Spanish,   Italian,   and    Provencal   bastions   by  the 

1  Doria  et  Barberotcsse,  Pt.  II.,  ch.  vii. 

2  Ibid.,  Pt.  II.,  ch.  vii.,  p.  106  ff. 


74 


THE  OTTOMAN  NAVY. 


Turkish  mines  and  the  consequent  exposure  of  the 
exhausted  garrison  rendered  the  defence  more  and 
more  perilous.  The  Ottoman  army  too  was  suffering 
severely,  from  disease,  as  well  as  from  the  deadly 
weapons  of  the  Knights,  and  in  the  hope  of  sparing 
his  men  Suleyman  offered  the  garrison  life  and  liberty 
if  they  would  surrender  the  city.  At  first  they  proudly 
rejected  the  offer,  but  within  a  fortnight,  finding  their 
ammunition  exhausted  and  their  numbers  sadly 
thinned,  on  December  2ist  they  begged  the  Sultan 
to  repeat  his  conditions,  and,  with  an  honourable 
clemency,  Suleyman  let  them  all  depart  unmolested 
in  his  own  ships  to  such  ports  in  Europe  as  seemed 
best  to  them.1 

The  fall  of  Rhodes  removed  the  last  obstacle  to  the 
complete  domination  of  the  Ottoman  fleet  in  the 
eastern  basin  of  the  Mediterranean.  Henceforward 
no  Christian  ship  was  safe  in  those  waters  unless  by 
the  pleasure  of  the  Sultan.  The  old  maritime 
Republics  were  for  the  time  reduced  to  impotence,  and 
no  power  existed  to  challenge  the  Ottoman  supremacy 
in  the  Aegean,  Ionian,  and  Adriatic  Seas. 

Almost  at  the  same  time  the  brothers  Barbarossa 
had  effected  a  similar  triumph  in  the  west.  The 
capture  of  Algiers  and  the  firm  establishment  of 
various  strong  garrisons  on  the  Barbary  coast  had 
given  the  Turkish  Corsairs  the  command  of  the 
western  basin  of  the  Mediterranean.  Suleyman  the 
Magnificent  saw  the  necessity  of  combination  ;  he 
knew  that  Kheyr-ed-din  could  teach  the  Stambol 

1  See  the  Story  of  Turkey,  170;  and  the  illustrations,  pp.  137,  147, 
171.  I75i  177- 


THE  PORTE  AND  THE  CORSAIRS.  75 


navigators  and  ship-builders  much  that  they  ought  to 
learn  ;  his  Grand  Vezir  Ibrahim  strenuously  urged  a 
closer  relation  between  the  Turkish  powers  of  the  east 
and  west ;  and  Kheyr-ed-dln  received  the  Imperial 
command  to  present  himself  at  Constantinople. 


VII. 


DORIA  AND  BARBAROSSA. 
1533- 

Kheyr-ED-DIN  was  in  no  hurry  to  visit  the  Sublime 
Porte.  He  had  to  provide  for  the  safety  and  govern- 
ment of  Algiers  during  his  absence,  when  exposed 
to  the  dangers  both  of  foreign  attack  and  internal 
intrigue.  He  had  to  reckon  with  the  galleys  of  the 
Knights  of  St.  John,  who,  after  wandering  homeless 
for  a  longer  time  than  was  at  all  creditable  to  that 
Christendom  which  they  had  so  heroically  defended 
at  Rhodes,  had  finally  settled  in  no  less  convenient  a 
spot  than  Malta,  whence  they  had  every  opportunity 
of  harassing  the  operations  of  the  Corsairs  (1530). 
Moreover  Andrea  Doria  was  cruising  about,  and  he 
was  not  the  sort  of  opponent  Barbarossa  cared  to 
meet  by  hazard.  The  great  Genoese  admiral  con- 
sidered it  a  personal  duel  with  Kheyr-ed-dln.  Each 
held  the  supreme  position  on  his  own  side  of  the 
water.  Both  were  old  men  and  had  grown  old  in 
arms.  Born  in  1468,  of  a  noble  Genoese  family, 
Doria  was  sixty-five  years  of  age,  of  which  nearly 
fifty  had  been  spent  in  warfare.  He  had  been  in 
the  Pope's  guard,  and  had  seen  service  under  the 


ANDREA  DOKIA. 


77 


Duke  of  Urbino  and  Alfonso  of  Naples,  and  when  he 
was  over  forty  he  had  taken  to  the  sea  and  found 
himself  suddenly  High  Admiral  of  Genoa  (15 13).  His 
appointment  to  the  command  of  his  country's  galleys 
was  due  to  his  zealous  services  on  shore,  and  not  to 
any  special  experience  of  naval  affairs  ;  indeed  the 
commander  of  the  galleys  was  as  much  a  military 
as  a  naval  officer.  Doria,  however,  late  as  he 
adopted  his  profession,  possessed  undoubted  gifts 
as  a  seaman,  and  his  leadership  decided  which 
of  the  rival  Christian  Powers  should  rule  the 
Mediterranean  waves.  He  devoted  his  sword  to 
France  in  1522,  when  a  revolution  overthrew  his 
party  in  his  own  republic  ;  and  so  long  as  he  was  on 
the  French  side  the  command  of  the  sea,  so  far  as  it 
did  not  belong  to  the  Barbary  Corsairs,  belonged  to 
France.  When  in  1528  he  judged  himself  and  his 
country  ill-used  by  Francis  I.,  he  carried  over  his  own 
twelve  galleys  to  the  side  of  Charles  V.  ;  and  then 
the  Imperial  navies  once  more  triumphed.  Doria 
was  the  arbiter  of  fortune  between  the  contending 
states.  Doria  was  the  liberator  of  Genoa,  and,  refus- 
ing to  be  her  king,  remained  her  idol  and  her  despot. 
No  name  struck  such  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
Turks  ;  many  a  ship  had  fallen  a  prey  to  his  devour- 
ing galleys,  and  many  a  Moslem  slave  pulled  at  his 
oars  or  languished  in  Genoese  prisons.  Officially  an 
admiral,  he  was  at  the  same  time  personally  a  Corsair, 
and  used  his  private  galleys  to  increase  his  wealth. 

Kheyr-ed-dln's  fame  among  Christians  and  Turks 
alike  was  at  least  as  great  and  glorious  as  his  rival's. 
He  had  driven  the  Spaniards  out-  of  Algiers  and  had 


78 


DOR  I A  AND  BARBAROSSA. 


inflicted  incalculable  injuries  upon  the  ships  and 
shores  of  the  Empire.  Though  the  two  had  roved 
the  same  sea  for  twenty  years,  they  had  never  met  in 
naval  combat :  perhaps  each  had  respected  the  other 
too  much  to  risk  an  encounter.  Long  ago,  when 
Kheyr-ed-dln  was  unknown  to  fame,  Doria  had  driven 
him  from  the  Goletta  '1513) ;  and  in  1 531  the  Genoese 
admiral  made  a  descent  upon  Shershel,  which  Kheyr- 
ed-dln  had  been  strengthening,  to  the  great  detriment 
and  anxiety  of  the  opposite  coast  of  Spain.  The 
Imperialists  landed  in  force,  surprised  the  fort,  and 
liberated  seven  hundred  Christian  slaves.  Then, 
contrary  to  orders  and  heedless  of  the  signal  gun 
which  summoned  them  on  board,  the  soldiery  dis- 
persed about  the  town  in  search  of  pillage,  and,  being 
taken  at  a  disadvantage  by  the  Turks  and  Moriscos 
of  the  place,  were  driven  in  confusion  down  to  the 
beach,  only  to  perceive  Doria's  galleys  rapidly  pulling 
away.  Nine  hundred  were  slaughtered  on  the  sea- 
shore and  six  hundred  made  prisoners.  Some  say 
that  the  admiral  intended  to  punish  his  men  for  their 
disobedience  ;  others  that  he  sighted  Kheyr-ed-dln's 
fleet  coming  to  the  rescue.  At  all  events  he  drew  off. 
and  the  two  great  rivals  did  not  meet.  The  Genoese 
picked  up  some  Barbary  vessels  on  his  way  home  to 
console  him  for  his  failure. 

In  the  following  year  he  retrieved  his  fame  by  a 
brilliant  expedition  to  the  coasts  of  Greece.  With 
thirty-five  sail  and  forty-eight  galleys  he  attacked 
Coron,  by  way  of  making  a  diversion  while  Sultan 
Suleyman  was  invading  Hungary,1  and  after  a  heavy 

'  See  the  Story  of  Turkey,  191. 


AN  UREA  DUR1A. 


PATRAS  AND  CO  RON. 


Si 


bombardment  succeeded  in  landing  his  men  on  the 
curtain  of  the  fort.  The  Turkish  garrison  was  spared 
and  marched  out,  and  Mendoza  was  left  in  command, 
while  Doria  bore  up  to  Patras  and  took  it,  occupied  the 
castles  which  guard  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  and  returned 
in  triumph  to  Genoa  before  the  Turkish  fleet  could 
come  up  with  him.  This  was  in  September,  1532. 
In  the  following  spring  a  yet  more  daring  feat  was 
accomplished.  Coron  was  running  short  of  supplies, 
and  a  Turkish  fleet  blockaded  the  port.  Nevertheless 
Cristofero  Pallavicini  carried  his  ship  in,  under  cover 
of  the  castle  guns,  and  encouraged  the  garrison  to 
hold  out ;  and  Doria,  following  in  splendid  style, 
fought  his  way  in.  notwithstanding  that  half  his  fleet, 
being  sailing  galleons,  became  becalmed  in  the  midst 
of  the  Turkish  galleys,  and  had  to  be  rescued  in  the 
teeth  of  the  enemy.  Lutfi  Pasha  was  outma- 
noeuvred and  defeated.  This  revictualling  of  Coron, 
says  Admiral  Jurien  de  la  Graviere,  was  one  of  the 
skilfullest  naval  operations  of  the  sixteenth  century.1 
It  was  clear  that,  while  Doria  had  effected  almost 
nothing  against  the  Barbary  Corsairs,  he  always 
mastered  the  Turks.  The  Sultan  was  eager  to 
discover  Kheyr-ed-din's  secret  of  success,  and  counted 
the  days  till  he  should  arrive  in  the  Golden  Horn. 
The  Corsair,  for  his  part,  had  heard  enough  of  Doria's 
recent  exploits  to  use  more  than  his  habitual  caution, 
and  he  was  not  disposed  to  cheapen  his  value  in  the 
Sultan's  eyes  by  a  too  precipitate  compliance  with 
his  Majesty's  command.  At  last,  in  August,  1533, 
having  appointed  Hasan  Aga,  a  Sardinian  eunuch,  in 

1  Doria  et  Barberousse,  Pt.  II.  ch.  xxv. 


82 


DORIA  AND  BARBAROSSA. 


whom  he  greatly  confided,  to  be  viceroy  during  his 
absence,  Kheyr-ed-din  set  sail  from  Algiers  with  a 
few  galleys  ;  and  after  doing  a  little  business  on  his 
own  account — looting  Elba  and  picking  up  some 
Genoese  corn-ships — pursued  his  way,  passing  Malta 
at  a  respectful  distance,  and  coasting  the  Morea,  till 
he  dropped  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  Salonica.1  By  his 
route,  which  touched  Santa  Maura  and  Navarino,  he 
appears  to  have  been  looking  for  Doria,  in  spite  of 
the  smallness  of  his  own  force  (which  had,  however, 
been  increased  by  prizes) ;  but,  fortunately,  perhaps, 
for  the  Corsair,  the  Genoese  admiral  had  returned  to 
Sicily,  and  the  two  had  missed  each  other  on  the  way. 

Soon  the  eyes  of  the  Sultan  were  rejoiced  with  the 
sight  of  a  Barbary  fleet,  gaily  dressed  with  flags  and 
pennons,  rounding  Seraglio  Point,  and,  in  perfect 
order,  entering  the  deep  water  of  the  Golden  Horn  ; 
and  presently  Kheyr-ed-din  and  his  eighteen  captains 
were  bowing  before  the  Grand  Signior,  and  reaping 
the  rewards  due  to  their  fame  and  services.  It  was  a 
strange  sight  that  day  at  Eski  Serai,2  and  the  divan 
was  crowded.  The  tried  generals  and  statesmen  of 
the  greatest  of  Ottoman  emperors  assembled  to  gaze 
upon  the  rough  sea-dogs  whose  exploits  were  on  the 
lips  of  all  Europe  ;  and  most  of  all  they  scrutinized 
the  vigorous  well-knit  yet  burly  figure  of  the  old  man 
with  the  bushy  eyebrows  and  thick  beard,  once  a 

1  The  Spanish  historians  are  silent  on  the  subject  of  this  expedition  : 
or,  rather,  Haedo  positively  denies  it,  and  says  that  Kheyr-ed-din 
sent  an  embassy  to  the  Sultan,  but  did  not  go  in  person.  Hajji 
Khalifa,  however,  is  clear  and  detailed  in  his  account  of  the  visit. 

2  For  an  account  of  Stambol  and  the  old  Seraglio  see  the  Stoty  of 
Tut  key,  260  ff. 


BARBAROSSA  AT  CONSTANTINOPLE. 


83 


bright  auburn,  but  now  hoary  with  years  and  exposure 
to  the  freaks  of  fortune  and  rough  weather.  In  his 
full  and  searching  eye,  that  could  blaze  with  ready 
and  unappeasable  fury,  they  traced  the  resolute  mind 
which  was  to  show  them  the  way  to  triumphs  at 
sea,  comparable  even  to  those  which  their  victorious 
Sultan  had  won  before  strong  walls  and  on  the 
battle  plain.  The  Grand  Vizir  Ibrahim  recognized  in 
Kheyr-ed  dTn  the  man  he  needed,  and  the  Algerine 
Corsair  was  preferred  before  all  the  admirals  of 
Turkey,  and  appointed  to  reconstruct  the  Ottoman 
navy.  He  spent  the  winter  in  the  dockyards,  where 
his  quick  eye  instantly  detected  the  faults  of  the 
builders.  The  Turks  of  Constantinople,  he  found, 
knew  neither  how  to  build  nor  how  to  work  their 
galleys.1  Theirs  were  not  so  swift  as  the  Christians'  ; 
and  instead  of  turning  sailors  themselves,  and  navi- 
gating them  properly,  they  used  to  kidnap  shepherds 
from  Arcadia  and  Anatolia,  who  had  never  handled 
a  sail  or  a  tiller  in  their  lives,  and  entrust  the 
navigation  of  their  galleys  to  these  inexperienced 
hands.2  Kheyr-ed-dm  soon  changed  all  this.  For- 
tunately there  were  workmen  and  timber  in 
abundance,  and,  inspiring  his  men  with  his  own 
marvellous  energy,  he  laid  out  sixty-one  galleys 
during  the  winter,  and  was  able  to  take  the  sea  with 
a  fleet  of  eighty-four  vessels  in  the  spring.  The 
period  of  Turkish  supremacy  on  the  sea  dates  from 
Kheyr-ed-dln's  winter  in  the  dockyards. 

1  See  Chapter  XVI.,  below. 

2  So  says  Jean  Chesneau,  French  secretary  at  Constantinople  in  154'?. 
See Jurien  de  LA  Grayiere,  Les  Corsaires  Barbaresques,  13. 


VIII. 

TUNIS  TAKEN  AND  LOST. 
I534—I535- 

The  dwellers  on  the  coasts  of  Italy  soon  discovered 
the  new  spirit  in  the  Turkish  fleet ;  they  had  now  to 
dread  Corsairs  on  both  hands,  east  as  well  as  west. 
In  the  summer  of  1534  Kheyr-ed-din  led  his  new  fleet 
of  eighty-four  galleys  forth  from  the  Golden  Horn, 
to  flesh  their  appetite  on  a  grand  quest  of  prey. 
Entering  the  Straits  of  Messina,  he  surprised  Reggio, 
and  carried  off  ships  and  slaves  ;  stormed  and  burnt 
the  castle  of  S.  Lucida  next  day,  and  took  eight 
hundred  prisoners  ;  seized  eighteen  galleys  at  Cetraro  ; 
put  Sperlonga  to  the  sword  and  brand,  and  loaded 
his  ships  with  wives  and  maidens.  A  stealthy  inland 
march  brought  the  Corsairs  to  Fondi,  where  lay 
Giulia  Gonzaga,  the  young  and  beautiful  widow  of 
Vespasio  Colonna,  Duchess  of  Trajetto  and  Countess 
of  Fondi.  She  was  sister  to  the  "  heavenly  Joanna 
of  Aragon,"  on  whose  loveliness  two  hundred  and 
eighty  Italian  poets  and  rimesters  in  vain  exhausted 
the  resources  of  several  languages ; — a  loveliness 
shared  by  the  sister  whose  device  was  the  "  Flower  of 
Love  "  amaranth  blazoned  on  her  shield.    This  beauty 


THE  KINGS  OF  TUNIS.  85 

Kheyr-ed-din  destined  for  the  Sultan's  harem,  and  so 
secret  were  the  Corsairs'  movements  that  he  almost 
surprised  the  fair  Giulia  in  her  bed.  She  had  barely 
time  to  mount  a  horse  in  her  shift  and  fly  with  a 
single  attendant, — whom  she  afterwards  condemned  to 
death,  perhaps  because  the  beauty  revealed  that  night 
had  made  him  overbold.1  Enraged  at  her  escape  the 
pirates  made  short  work  of  Fondi  ;  the  church  was 
wrecked,  and  the  plundering  went  on  for  four  terrible 
hours,  never  to  be  forgotten  by  the  inhabitants. 

Refreshed  and  excited  by  their  successful  raid,  the 
Turks  needed  little  encouragement  to  enter  with 
heartiness  upon  the  real  object  of  the  expedition, 
which  was  nothing  less  than  the  annexation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Tunis.  Three  centuries  had  passed  since 
the  Sultans  of  the  race  of  Hafs  had  established  their 
authority  on  the  old  Carthaginian  site,  upon  the 
breaking  up  of  the  African  empire  of  the  Almohades. 
Their  rule  had  been  mild  and  just ;  they  had  main- 
tained on  the  whole  friendly  relations  with  the 
European  powers,  and  many  treaties  record  the  fair 
terms  upon  which  the  merchants  of  Pisa,  Venice,  and 
Genoa  were  admitted  to  the  port  of  Tunis.  Saint 
Louis  had  been  so  struck  with  the  piety  and  justice 
of  the  king  that  he  had  even  come  to  convert 
him,  and  had  died  in  the  attempt.  Twenty- 
one  rulers  of  their  line  had  succeeded  one  another, 
till  the  vigour  of  the  Beni-Hafs  was  sapped,  and 
fraternal  jealousies  added  bloodshed  to  weakness. 
Hasan,  the  twenty-second,  stepped  to  the  throne  over 
the  bodies  of  forty-four  slaughtered  brothers,  and  when 
1  Von  Hammer,  Gesch.  d.  Osm.  Reiches,  ii.  129. 


86 


TUNIS  TAKEN  AND  LOST. 


he  had  thus  secured  his  place  he  set  a  pattern  of 
vicious  feebleness  for  all  sovereigns  to  avoid.  A  rival 
claimant  served  as  the  Corsair's  pretext  for  invasion, 
and  Kheyr-ed-dln  had  hardly  landed  when  this 
miserable  wretch  fled  the  city,  and  though  supported 
by  some  of  the  Arab  tribes  he  could  make  no  head 
against  the  Turkish  guns.  Tunis,  like  Algiers,  had 
been  added  to  the  Ottoman  Empire,  against  its  will, 
and  by  the  same  masterful  hands.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  the  Sultan's  writ  would  have  run  in  either  of 
his  new  provinces  had  their  conqueror  gainsaid  it. 

Tunis  did  not  long  remain  in  the  possession  of 
Barbarossa.  The  banished  king  appealed  to  Charles 
V.,  and,  whatever  the  emperor  may  have  thought  of 
Hasan's  wrongs,  he  plainly  perceived  that  Barba- 
rossa's  presence  in  Tunis  harbour  was  a  standing 
menace  to  his  own  kingdom  of  Sicily.  It  was  bad 
enough  to  see  nests  of  pirates  perched  upon  the  rocks 
of  the  Algerine  coast  ;  but  Tunis  was  the  key  of  the 
passage  from  the  west  to  the  eastern  basin  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  to  leave  it  in  the  Corsairs'  hands 
was  to  the  last  degree  hazardous.  Accordingly  he 
espoused  the  cause  of  Hasan,  and  at  the  end  of  May, 
1535,  he  set  sail  from  Barcelona  with  six  hundred 
ships  commanded  by  Doria  (who  had  his  own  grudge 
to  settle),  and  carrying  the  flower  of  the  Imperial 
troops,  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Germans.  In  June 
he  laid  siege  to  the  Goletta — or  halk-el-wed.  "  throat 
of  the  torrent,"  as  the  Arabs  called  it — those  twin 
towers  a  mile  asunder  which  guarded  the  channel  of 
Tunis.  The  great  carack  St.  Ann,  sent,  with  four 
galleys,  by  "  the  Religion  "  (so  the  Knights  of  Malta 


CHARLES  V.  AT  TUNIS. 


89 


styled  their  Order),  was  moored  close  in,  and  her 
heavy  cannon  soon  made  a  breach,  through  which 
the  Chevalier  Cossier  led  the  Knights  of  St.  John, 
who  always  claimed  the  post  of  danger,  into  the 
fortress,  and  planted  the  banner  of  "  the  Religion " 
on  the  battlements1  (14  July).  Three  desperate 
sallies  had  the  besieged  made  under  the  leadership  of 
Sinan  the  Jew  ;  three  Italian  generals  of  rank  had 
fallen  in  the  melley  ;  before  they  were  driven  in 
confusion  back  upon  the  city  of  Tunis,  leaving  the 
Golettawith  all  its  stores  of  weapons  and  ammunition, 
and  its  forty  guns,  some  of  them  famous  for  their 
practice  at  the  siege  of  Rhodes,  and  more  than  a 
hundred  vessels,  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Barba- 
rossa  came  out  to  meet  the  emperor  at  the  head  of 
nearly  ten  thousand  troops  ;  but  his  Berbers  refused 
to  fight,  the  thousands  of  Christian  slaves  in  the 
Kasaba  (or  citadel),  aided  by  treachery,  broke  their 
chains  and  shut  the  gates  behind  him  ;  and,  after 
defending  his  rampart  as  long  as  he  could,  the 
Corsair  chief,  with  Sinan  and  Aydln  "  Drub-Devil," 
made  his  way  to  Bona,  where  he  had  fortunately  left 
fifteen  of  his  ships.  The  lines  of  Kheyr-ed-dln's 
triple  wall  may  still  be  traced  across  the  neck  of  land 
which  separates  the  lake  of  Tunis  from  the  Medi- 
terranean. Fifteen  years  ago  this  rampart  was  cut 
through,  when  nearly  two  hundred  skeletons,  some 
Spanish  money,  cannon  balls,  and  broken  weapons 
were  found  outside  it.2 

1  Broadi.ey,  Turn's,  Past  and  Present,  i.  42, .quoting  a  narrative  by 
Boyssat,  one  of  the  Knights  of  Malta,  written  in  1612. 

2  On  Charles's  expedition  to  Tunis,  consult  Marmot,  Hajji  Khalifa, 
Robertson,   Morgan,  Von   Hammer,  and   Broadley.     In  the  last 


go 


TUNIS  TAKEN  AND  LOST. 


For  three  days  Charles  gave  up  the  city  of  Tunis 
to  the  brutality  of  his  soldiers.  They  were  days  of 
horrible  license  and  bloodshed.  Men,  women,  and 
children  were  massacred,  and  worse  than  massacred, 
in  thousands.  The  infuriated  troops  fought  one  with 
the  other  for  the  possession  of  the  spoil,  and  the 
luckless  Christians  of  the  Kasaba  were  cut  down  by 
their  deliverers  in  the  struggle  for  Kheyr-ed-dln's 
treasures.  The  streets  became  shambles,  the  houses 
dens  of  murder  and  shame  :  the  very  Catholic 
chroniclers  admit  the  abominable  outrages  committed 
by  the  licentious  and  furious  soldiery  of  the  great 
Emperor.  It  is  hard  to  remember  that  almost  at 
the  very  time  when  German  and  Spanish  and  Italian 
men-at-arms  were  outraging  and  slaughtering  help- 
less, innocent  people  in  Tunis,  who  had  taken  little  or 
no  hand  in  Kheyr-ed-din's  wars  and  had  accepted  his 
authority  with  reluctance,  the  Grand  Vezir  Ibrahim 
was  entering  Baghdad  and  TebrTz  as  a  conqueror  at 
the  head  of  wild  Asiatic  troops,  and  not  a  house  nor 
a  human  being  was  molested.  Fas  est  et  ab  Jioste 
doceri. 

So  far  as  Tunis  was  concerned  the  expedition  of 
Charles  V.  was  fruitless.  Before  he  sailed  in  August 
he  made  a  treaty  with  Hasan,  which  stipulated  for 
tribute  to  Spain,  the  possession  of  the  Goletta  by  the 
crown  of  Castile,  the  freeing  of  Christian  slaves,  the 
cessation  of  piracy,  and  the  payment  of  homage  by 

will  be  found  some  interesting  photographs  of  Jan  Cornelis  Ver- 
meyen's  pictures,  painted  on  the  spot  during  the  progress  of  the  siege, 
by  command  of  the  Emperor,  and  now  preserved  at  Windsor.  All  the 
accounts  of  the  siege  and  capture  show  discrepancies  which  it  seems 
hopeless  to  reconcile. 


CHARLES  V.  AT  TUNIS. 


91 


an  annual  tribute  of  six  Moorish  barbs  and  twelve 
falcons ;  and  he  and  the  Moor  duly  swore  it  on  Cross 
and  sword.  But  the  treaty  was  so  much  parchment 
wasted.  No  Moslem  prince  who  had  procured  his 
restoration  by  such  means  as  Hasan  had  used,  who 
had  spilt  Moslem  blood  with  Christian  weapons  and 
ruined  Moslem  homes  by  the  sacrilegious  atrocities 
of  "  infidel "  soldiers,  and  had  bound  himself  the 
vassal  of  "  idolatrous  "  Spain,  could  hope  to  keep  his 
throne  long.  He  was  an  object  of  horror  and 
repulsion  to  the  people  upon  whom  he  had  brought 
this  awful  calamity,  and  so  fierce  was  their  scorn  of 
the  traitor  to  Islam  that  the  story  is  told  of  a 
Moorish  girl  in  the  clutch  of  the  soldiers,  who,  when 
the  restored  King  of  Tunis  sought  to  save  her,  spat  in 
his  face  ;  anything  was  better  than  the  dishonour  of 
his  protection.  Hasan  pretended  to  reign  for  five 
years,  but  the  country  was  in  arms,  holy  Kayrawan 
would  have  nothing  to  say  to  a  governor  who  owed 
his  throne  to  infidel  ravishers  ;  Imperial  troops  in 
vain  sought  to  keep  him  there  ;  Doria  himself  suc- 
ceeded only  for  a  brief  while  in  reducing  the  coast 
towns  to  the  wretched  prince's  authority;  and  in  1540 
Hasan  was  imprisoned  and  blinded  by  his  son 
HamTd,  and  none  can  pity  him.  The  coast  was  in 
the  possession  of  the  Corsairs,  and,  as  we  shall  see, 
even  the  Spaniards  were  forced  ere  long  to  abandon 
the  Goletta. 

Nevertheless,  the  expedition  to  Tunis  was  a  feat  of 
which  Europe  was  proud.  Charles  V.  seldom  suffered 
from  depreciation  of  his  exploits,  and,  as  Morgan 
quaintly  says,  "  I  have  never  met  with  that  Spaniard 


92 


TUNIS  TAKEN  AND  LOST. 


in  my  whole  life,  who,  I  am  persuaded,  would  not 
have  bestowed  on  me  at  least  forty  Boto  a  Christo's, 
had  I  pretended  to  assert  Charles  V.  not  to  have  held 
this  whole  universal  globe  in  a  string  for  four-and- 
twenty  hours  ;  and  then  it  broke :  though  none  had 
ever  the  good  nature  or  manners  to  inform  or  correct 
my  ignorance  in  genuine  history,  by  letting  me  into 
the  secret  when  that  critical  and  slippery  period  of 
time  was."  1  Naturally  admirers  so  thoroughgoing 
made  the  most  of  the  conquest  of  Tunis,  the 
reduction  of  the  formidable  Goletta,  the  release  of 
thousands  of  Christian  captives,  and,  above  all,  the 
discomfiture  of  that  scourge  of  Christendom,  Bar- 
barossa  himself.  Poets  sang  of  it,  a  painter-in- 
ordinary  depicted  the  siege,  a  potter  at  Urbino  burnt 
the  scene  into  his  vase  ;  all  Europe  was  agog  with 
enthusiasm  at  the  feat.  Charles  posed  as  a 
crusader  and  a  knight-errant,  and  commemorated 
his  gallant  deeds  and  those  of  his  gentlemen  by 
creating  a  new  order  of  chivalry,  the  Cross  of  Tunis, 
with  the  motto  "  Barbaria,"  of  which  however  we 
hear  no  more.    Altogether  "  it  was  a  famous  victory." 

The  joy  of  triumph  was  sadly  marred  by  the 
doings  of  Kheyr-ed-dln.  That  incorrigible  pirate, 
aware  that  no  one  would  suspect  that  he  could 
be  roving  while  Charles  was  besieging  his  new 
kingdom,  took  occasion  to  slip  over  to  Minorca 
with  his  twenty-seven  remaining  galleots  ;  and  there, 
flying  Spanish  and  other  false  colours,  deceived  the 
islanders  into  the  belief  that  his  vessels  were  part 
of  the  Armada  ;  upon  which  he  rowed  boldly  into 

1  Hist,  of  Algiers,  286. 


RAID  ON  MINORCA. 


93 


Port  Mahon,  seized  a  rich  Portuguese  galleon,  sacked 
the  town,  and,  laden  with  six  thousand  captives  and 
much  booty  and  ammunition,  led  his  prize  back  in 
triumph  to  Algiers.  In  the  meanwhile  Doria  was 
assiduously  hunting  for  him  with  thirty  galleys,  under 
the  emperor's  express  orders  to  catch  him  dead  or 
alive.  The  great  Genoese  had  to  wait  yet  three  years 
for  his  long-sought  duel. 

Having  accomplished  its  object,  the  Armada,  as 
usual,  broke  up  without  making  a  decisive  end  of  the 
Corsairs.  Kheyr-ed-dln,  waiting  at  Algiers  in  ex- 
pectation of  attack,  heard  the  news  gladly,  and,  when 
the  coast  was  clear,  sailed  back  to  Constantinople  for 
reinforcements.    He  never  saw  Algiers  again. 


IX. 


THE  SEA-FIGHT  OFF  PREVESA. 
!537- 

WHEN  Barbarossa  returned  to  Constantinople 
Tunis  was  forgotten  and  Minorca  alone  called  to 
mind  :  instead  of  the  title  of  Beglerbeg  of  Algiers, 
the  Sultan  saluted  him  as  Capudan  Pasha  or  High 
Admiral  of  the  Ottoman  fleets.  There  was  work  to 
be  done  in  the  Adriatic,  and  none  was  fitter  to  do  it 
than  the  great  Corsair.  Kheyr-ed-din  had  acquired 
an  added  influence  at  Stambol  since  the  execution  of 
the  Grand  Vezir  Ibrahim,1  and  he  used  it  in  exactly 
the  opposite  direction.  Ibrahim,  a  Dalmatian  by 
birth,  had  always  striven  to  maintain  friendly 
relations  with  Venice,  his  native  state,  and  for  more 
than  thirty  years  there  had  been  peace  between  the 
Republic  and  the  Porte.  Barbarossa,  on  the  contrary, 
longed  to  pit  his  galleys  against  the  most  famous  of 
the  maritime  nations  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  to 
make  the  Crescent  as  supreme  in  the  waters  of  the 
Adriatic  as  it  was  in  the  Aegean.  Francis  I.  was 
careful  to  support  this  policy  out  of  his  jealousy  of 

1  See  the  Story  of  Turkey,  195. 


VENETIAN  SUCCESSES. 


95 


the  Empire.  The  Venetians,  anxious  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  the  Sultan,  and  to  hold  a  neutral 
position  between  Francis  and  Charles  V.,  found 
themselves  gradually  committed  to  a  war,  and  by 
their  own  fault.  Their  commanders  in  the  Adriatic 
and  at  Candia  were  unable  to  resist  the  temptation 
of  chasing  Ottoman  merchantmen.  Canale,  the 
Proveditore  of  Candia,  caught  a  noted  Corsair,  the 
"  Young  Moor  of  Alexander,"  as  his  victims  called 
him,  sunk  or  captured  his  galleys,  killed  his  Janis- 
saries, and  severely  wounded  the  young  Moor  him- 
self ; — and  all  this  in  Turkish  waters,  on  Turkish 
subjects,  and  in  time  of  peace.  Of  course  when  the 
too  gallant  Proveditore  came  to  his  senses  and  per- 
ceived his  folly,  he  patched  the  young  Moor's  wounds 
and  sent  him  tenderly  back  to  Algiers :  but  the 
Sultan's  ire  was  already  roused,  and  when  Venetian 
galleys  actually  gave  chase  to  a  ship  that  carried  a 
Turkish  ambassador,  no  apologies  that  the  Signoria 
offered  could  wipe  out  the  affront.  War  was  in- 
evitable, and  Venice  hastily  made  common  cause 
with  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  against  the  formid- 
able host  which  now  advanced  upon  the  Adriatic. 

Before  this,  some  stirring  actions  had  been  fought 
off  the  coasts  of  Greece.  Doria,  sallying  forth  from 
Messina,  had  met  the  governor  of  Gallipoli  off  Paxos, 
and  had  fought  him  before  daybreak.  Standing 
erect  on  the  poop,  conspicuous  in  his  cramoisy 
doublet,  the  tall  figure  of  the  old  admiral  was  seen 
for  an  hour  and  a  half  directing  the  conflict,  sword  in 
hand,  an  easy  mark  for  sharpshooters,  as  a  wound  in 
the  knee  reminded  him.    After  a  severe  struggle  the 


96 


THE  SEA-FIGHT  OFF  PREVESA. 


twelve  galleys  of  the  enemy  were  captured  and 
carried  in  triumph  to  Messina.  Barbarossa  was 
sorely  wanted  now,  and  in  May,  1537,  he  sailed  with 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five  galleys  to  avenge  the 
insult.  For  a  whole  month  he  laid  waste  the  Apulian 
coast  like  a  pestilence,  and  carried  off  ten  thousand 
slaves,  while  Doria  lay  helpless  with  a  far  inferior 
force  in  Messina  roads.  The  Turks  were  boasting 
that  they  might  soon  set  up  a  Pope  of  their  own, 
when  the  war  with  Venice  broke  out,  and  they  were 
called  off  from  their  devastation  of  Italy  by  the 
Sultan's  command  to  besiege  Corfu.  The  Ionian 
islands  were  always  a  bone  of  contention  between  the 
Turks  and  their  neighbours,  and  a  war  with  Venice 
naturally  began  with  an  attack  upon  Corfu.  The 
Senate  had  shut  its  eyes  as  long  as  possible  to  the 
destination  of  the  huge  armaments  which  had  left 
Constantinople  in  the  spring :  Tunis,  or  perhaps 
Naples,  was  said  to  be  their  object.  But  now  they 
were  undeceived,  and  on  the  25th  of  August,  Captain 
Pasha  Barbarossa  landed  twenty-five  thousand  men 
and  thirty  cannon  under  Lutfi  Pasha,  three  miles 
from  the  castle  of  Corfu.  Four  days  later  the  Grand 
Vezlr  Ayas,  with  twenty- five  thousand  more  and  a 
brilliant  staff,  joined  the  first-comers,  and  the  Akinji 
or  light  troops  spread  fire  and  sword  around.  A 
fifty-pounder  fired  nineteen  shots  in  three  days,  but 
only  five  struck  the  fortress :  the  Turks  fired  too  high, 
and  many  of  their  missiles  fell  harmlessly  into  the 
sea  beyond.  In  spite  of  storm  and  rain  the  Grand 
Vezlr  would  not  desist  from  making  the  round  of  the 
trenches  by  night.    Suleyman  offered  liberal  terms 


RAIDS  ON  THE  ISLES  OF  GREECE. 


97 


of  capitulation,  but  the  besieged  sent  back  his 
messenger  with  never  an  answer.  Alexandra  Tron 
worked  the  big  guns  of  the  castle  with  terrible  pre- 
cision. Two  galleys  were  quickly  sunk,  four  men 
were  killed  in  the  trenches  by  a  single  shot — a  new 
and  alarming  experience  in  those  early  days  of 
gunnery — four  times  the  Fort  of  St.  Angelo  was 
attacked  in  vain  ;  winter  was  approaching,  and  the 
Sultan  determined  to  raise  the  siege.  In  vain  Bar- 
barossa  remonstrated  :  "A  thousand  such  castles  were 
not  worth  the  life  of  one  of  his  brave  men,"  said  the 
Sultan,  and  on  the  17th  of  September  the  troops 
began  to  re-embark.1 

Then  began  a  scene  of  devastation  such  as  the 
isles  of  Greece  have  too  often  witnessed, — not  from 
Turks  only,  but  from  Genoese  and  Venetians,  who 
also  came  to  the  Archipelago  for  their  oarsmen, — but 
never  perhaps  on  so  vast  a  scale.  Butrinto  was 
burnt,  Paxos  conquered,  and  then  Barbarossa  carried 
fire  and  sword  throughout  the  Adriatic  and  the  Archi- 
pelago, With  seventy  galleys  and  thirty  galleots, 
he  raged  among  the  islands,  most  of  which  belonged 
to  noble  families  of  Venice — the  Venieri,  Grispi, 
Pisani,  Quirini.  Syra,  Skyros,  Aegina,  Paros,  Naxos, 
Tenos,  and  other  Venetian  possessions  were  over- 
whelmed, and  thousands  of  their  people  carried  off  to 
pull  a  Turkish  oar.  Naxos  contributed  five  thousand 
dollars  as  her  first  year's  tribute  ;  Aegina  furnished 
six  thousand  slaves.  Many  trophies  did  Barbarossa 
bring  home  to  Stambol,  whose  riches  certainly  did  his 
own  and  the  Sultan's,  if  not  "  the  general  coffer,  fill." 
1  Von  Hammer,  Cesch.  d.  Osm.  Retches,  ii.  142. 


98 


THE  SEA-FIGHT  OFF  PREVESA. 


Four  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  a  thousand 
girls,  and  fifteen  hundred  boys,  were  useful  resources 
when  he  returned  to  "  rub  his  countenance  against 
the  royal  stirrup."  1  Two  hundred  boys  in  scarlet, 
bearing  gold  and  silver  bowls;  thirty  more  laden  with 
purses  ;  two  hundred  with  rolls  of  fine  cloth  :  such 
was  the  present  with  which  the  High  Admiral 
approached  the  Sultan's  presence. 

Suleyman's  genius  was  at  that  time  bent  upon 
three  distinct  efforts  :  he  was  carrying  on  a  compaign 
in  Moldavia  ;  his  Suez  fleet — a  novelty  in  Ottoman 
history — was  invading  the  Indian  Ocean,  with  no 
very  tangible  result,  it  is  true  (unless  a  trophy  of 
Indian  ears  and  noses  may  count),  save  the  conquest 
of  Aden  on  the  return  voyage,  but  still  a  notable 
exploit,  and  disturbing  to  the  Portuguese  in  Gujerat  ; 
and  his  High  Admiral  was  planning  the  destruction 
of  the  maritime  power  of  Venice. 

In  the  summer  of  1538,  Barbarossa  put  off  to  sea, 
and  soon  had  one  hundred  and  fifty  sail  under  his 
command.  He  began  by  collecting  rowers  and  tribute 
from  the  islands,  twenty-five  of  which  had  now  been 
transferred  from  the  Venetian  to  the  Turkish  alle- 
giance, and  then  laid  waste  eighty  villages  in  Candia. 
Here  news  was  brought  that  the  united  fleet  of  the 
Emperor,  Venice,  and  the  Pope  was,  cruising  in  the 
Adriatic,  and  the  Captain  Pasha  hastened  to  meet 
it.  The  pick  of  the  Corsairs  was  with  him.  Round 
his  flagship  were  ranged  the  galleys  of  Dragut,. 
Murad  Reis,  Sinan,  Sajih  Reis  with  twenty  Egyp- 
tian vessels,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred 
j  Hajji  Khalifa,  58. 


COMPASS  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY. 

(jurun  de  la  Graviire. ) 


THE  CHRISTIAN  FLEETS. 


IOI 


and  twenty-two  ships  of  war.  The  advance  guard 
sighted  part  of  the  enemy  off  Prevesa— a  Turkish 
fortress  opposite  the  promontory  of  Arta  or  Actium, 
where  Antony  suffered  his  memorable  defeat. 

The  Christian  strength  was  really  overwhelming. 
Eighty  Venetian,  thirty-six  Papal,  and  thirty  Spanish 
galleys,  together  with  fifty  sailing  galleons,  made  up 
a  formidable  total  of  nearly  two  hundred  ships 
of  war,  and  they  carried  scarcely  less  than  sixty 
thousand  men,  and  two  thousand  five  hundred 
guns.  Doria  was  in  chief  command,  and  Capello 
and  Grimani  led  the  Venetian  and  Roman  con- 
tingents. Barbarossa  had  fortunately  received  but 
an  imperfect  report  of  the  enemy's  strength  and  so 
boldly  pursued  his  northerly  course  up  the  Adriatic. 
When  he  reached  Prevesa,  the  combined  fleets  had 
gone  on  to  Corfu,  and  he  was  able  to  enter  unopposed 
the  spacious  gulf  of  Arta,  where  all  the  navies  of 
the  world  might  safely  anchor  and  defy  pursuit. 

On  September  25th,  the  allied  fleets  appeared  off 
the  entrance  to  the  gulf,  and  then  for  the  first  time 
Barbarossa  realized  his  immense  good  fortune  in 
being  the  first  in  the  bay.  Outnumbered  as  he  was, 
a  fight  in  the  open  sea  might  have  ended  in  the 
total  destruction  of  his  navy  ;  but  secure  in  an  ample 
harbour,  on  a  friendly  coast,  behind  a  bar  which  the 
heavier  vessels  of  the  enemy  could  not  cross,  he 
could  wait  his  opportunity  and  take  the  foe  at  a 
disadvantage.  The  danger  was  that  Doria  might 
disembark  his  guns  and  attack  from  the  shores  of 
the  gulf,  and  to  meet  this  risk  some  of  the  Turkish 
captains  insisted  on  landing  their  men  and  trying 


102 


THE  SEA-FIGHT  OFF  PREVESA. 


to  erect  earthworks  for  their  protection  ;  but  the 
fire  from  the  Christian  ships  soon  stopped  this 
manoeuvre.  Barbarossa  had  never  expected  Doria 
to  hazard  a  landing,  and  he  was  right.  The  old 
admiral  of  Charles  V.  was  not  likely  to  expose  his 
ships  to  the  risk  of  a  sally  from  the  Turks  just  when 
he  had  deprived  them  of  the  men  and  guns  that  could 
alone  defend  them. 

The  two  fleets  watched  each  other  warily.  Doria 
and  Barbarossa  had  at  last  come  face  to  face  for 
a  great  battle,  but,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  neither 
cared  to  begin  :  Barbarossa  was  conscious  of  serious 
numerical  inferiority ;  Doria  was  anxious  for  the 
safety  of  his  fifty  big  sailing  vessels,  on  the  heavy 
artillery  of  which  he  most  relied,  but  which  a  contrary- 
wind  might  drive  to  destruction  on  the  hostile  coast. 
As  it  was,  his  guideship  on  the  extreme  left  had  but 
a  fathom  of  water  under  her  keel.  Each  felt  keenly 
the  weighty  responsibility  of  his  position,  and  even 
the  sense  that  now  at  last  the  decisive  day  of  their 
long  rivalry  had  come  could  not  stir  them  from  their 
policy  of  prudence.  Moreover,  it  was  no  longer  a 
question  of  the  prowess  of  hot-blooded  youth  :  Doria 
and  Barbarossa  and  Capello  were  all  men  of  nearly 
seventy  years,  and  Doria  was  certainly  not  the  man 
he  once  was  ;  politics  had  spoilt  him. 

So  the  two  great  admirals  waited  and  eyed  each 
other's  strength.  Will  Barbarossa  come  out  ?  Or  must 
Doria  risk  the  passage  of  the  bar  and  force  his  way  in 
to  the  encounter  ?  Neither  event  happened :  but  on  the 
morning  of  the  27th  the  Corsairs  rubbed  their  eyes 
to  feel  if  they  were  asleep,  as  they  saw  the  whole 


doria' s  tactics. 


103 


magnificent  navy  of  Christendom,  anchor  a-peak, 
sailing  slowly  and  majestically — away/    Were  the 
Christians  afraid  ?    Anyhow  no  one,  not  even  Bar- 
barossa,  could  hold  the  Turks  back  now.    Out  they 
rushed  in  hot  pursuit,  not  thinking  or  caring — save 
their  shrewd  captain — whether  this  were  not  a  feint 
of  Doria's  to  catch  them  in  the  open.    "Get  into 
line,"  said  Barbarossa  to  his  captains,  "and  do  as  you 
see  me  do."    Dragut  took  the  right  wing,  Salih  Re'is 
the  left.    Early  on  the  28th  the  Christian  fleet  was 
discovered  at  anchor,  in  a  foul  wind,  off  Santa  Maura, 
thirty  miles  to  the  south.    Doria  was  not  at  all  pre- 
pared for  such  prompt  pursuit,  and  eyed  with  anxiety 
the  long  battle  line  of  one  hundred  and  forty  galleys, 
galleots,  and  brigantines,  bearing  down  upon  him 
before  the  wind.    His  ships  were  scattered,  for  the 
sails  could  not  keep  up  with  the  oars,  and  Condul- 
miero's   huge  Venetian   carack   was    becalmed  off 
Zuara,  a  long  way  behind,  and  others  were  in  jio 
better  plight.    Three  hours  Doria  hesitated,  and  then 
gave  the  order  to  sail  north  and  meet  the  enemy. 
Condulmiero  was  already  fiercely  engaged,  and  soon 
his  carack  was  a  mere  unrigged  helmless  waterlog, 
only  saved  from  instant  destruction  by  her  immense 
size  and  terrific  guns,  which,  well  aimed,  low  on  the 
water,  to    gain    the    ricochet,   did    fearful  mischief 
among  the  attacking  galleys.    Two  galleons  were 
burnt  to  the  water's  edge,  and  their  crews  took  to  the 
boats  ;  a  third,  Boccanegra's.  lost  her  mainmast,  and 
staggered  away  crippled.    What  was  Doria  about  ? 
The  wind  was  now  in  his  favour;  the  enemy  was  in 
front:  but  Doria  continued  to  tack  and  manoeuvre  at 


1U4  THE  SEA-FIGHT  OFF  PREVESA. 


a  distance.  What  he  aimed  at  is  uncertain  :  his  col- 
leagues Grimani  and  Capello  went  on  board  his  flag- 
ship, and  vehemently  remonstrated  with  him,  and 
even  implored  him  to  depart  and  let  them  fight  the 
battle  with  their  own  ships,  but  in  vain.  He  was 
bent  on  tactics,  when  what  was  needed  was  pluck  ; 
and  tactics  lost  the  day.  The  Corsairs  took,  it  is 
true,  only  seven  galleys  and  sail- 
ing vessels,  but  they  held  the  sea. 
Doria  sailed  away  in  the  evening 
for  Corfu,  and  the  whole  allied 
fleet  followed  in  a  gale  of  wind.1 

So,  after  all,  the  great  duel  was 
never  fairly  fought  between  the 
sea-rivals.  Barbarossa  was  will- 
ing, but  Doria  held  back  :  he 
preferred  to  show  his  seaman- 
ship instead  of  his  courage.  The 
result  was  in  effect  a  victory,  a 
signal  victory,  for  the  Turks. 
Two  hundred  splendid  vessels 
of  three  great  Christian  states  had  fled  before  an 
inferior  force  of  Ottomans ;  and  it  is  no  wonder 
that  Sultan  Suleyman,  when  he  learnt  the  news  at 
Yamboli,  illuminated  the  town,  and  added  one  hun- 
dred thousand  aspres  a  year  to  the  revenues  of  the 
conqueror.  Barbarossa  had  once  more  proved  to 
the  world  that  the  Turkish  fleet  was  invincible. 
The  flag  of  Suleyman  floated  supreme  in  all  the 
waters  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 


OBSERVATION  WITH 
THE  ASTROLABE. 

[Jurien  tie  la  Graviere. 


1  Jurien  de  i  a  Gravifre,  Doria  et  Barberousse,  Pt.  II.,  ch. 
xlii.-xlv. ;  Ha.iji  Khalifa,  62  ;  Von  Hammer,  ii.  155  ;  Morgan,  290. 


X. 


BARBAROSSA  IN  FRANCE. 
1539— 1546. 

BARBAROSSA'S  life  was  drawing  to  a  close,  but  in 
the  eight  years  that  remained  he  enhanced  his  already 
unrivalled  renown.  His  first  exploit  after  Prevesa 
was  the  recapture  of  Castelnuovo,  which  the  allied 
fleets  had  seized  in  October,  as  some  compensation 
on  land  for  their  humiliation  at  sea.  The  Turkish 
armies  had  failed  to  recover  the  fortress  in  January, 
1539;  Du,:  in  July  Barbarossa  went  to  the  front  as 
usual,  with  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  galleys,  large  and 
small,  and  all  his  best  captains  ;  and,  after  some  very 
pretty  fighting  in  the  Gulf  of  Cattaro,  landed  eighty- 
four  of  his  heaviest  guns  and  bombarded  Castelnuovo, 
from  three  well-placed  batteries.  On  August  7th, 
a  sanguinary  assault  secured  the  first  line  of  the 
defences  ;  three  days  later  the  governor,  Don  Fran- 
cisco Sarmiento,  and  his  handful  of  Spaniards,  sur- 
rendered to  a  final  assault,  and  were  surprised  to  find 
themselves  chivalrously  respected  as  honourable  foes. 
Three  thousand  Spaniards  had  fallen,  and  eight 
thousand  Turks,  in  the  course  of  the  siege. 


io6 


BARB  A  ROSSA  IN  FRANCE. 


One  more  campaign  and  Barbarossa's  feats  are 
over.  Great  events  were  happening  on  the  Algerine 
coasts,  where  we  must  return  after  too  long  an 
absence  in  the  Levant  and  Adriatic :  but  first  the 
order  of  years  must  be  neglected  that  we  may  see 
the  last  of  the  most  famous  of  all  the  Corsairs.  To 
make  amends  for  the  coldness  of  Henry  VIII., 
Francis  I.  was  allied  with  the  other  great  maritime 
power,  Turkey,  against  the  Emperor,  in  1543;  and 
the  old  sea  rover  actually  brought  his  fleet  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  ships  to  Marseilles.  The  French 
captains  saltuted  the  Corsair's  capitana,  and  the 
banner  of  Our  Lady  was  lowered  to  be  replaced  by 
the  Crescent.  Well  may  a  French  admiral  call  this 
"  the  impious  alliance."  On  his  way  Barbarossa 
enjoyed  a  raid  in  quite  his  old  style  ;  burnt  Reggio 
and  carried  off  the  governor's  daughter ;  appeared 
off  the  Tiber,  and  terrified  the  people  of  Civita 
Vecchia  ;  and  in  July  entered  the  Gulf  of  Lyons 
in  triumph.  Here  he  found  the  young  Duke  of 
Enghien,  Francois  de  Bourbon,  commander  of  the 
French  galleys,  who  received  him  with  all  honour 
and  ceremony. 

Barbarossa  had  hardly  arrived  when  he  discovered 
that  his  great  expedition  was  but  a  fool's  errand. 
The  King  of  France  was  afraid  of  attempting  a 
serious  campaign  against  the  Emperor,  and  he  was 
already  ashamed  of  his  alliance  with  the  Musulmans  : 
his  own  subjects — nay,  all  Europe — were  crying 
shame.  Barbarossa  grew  crimson  with  fury,  and  tore 
his  white  beard  :  he  had  not  come  with  a  vast  fleet 
all  the  way  from  Stambol  to  be  made  a  laughing- 


BAKBAROSSA   WINTERS  AT  TOULON.  IO(j 

stock.  Something  must  evidentially  be  done  to  satisfy 
his  honour,  and  Francis  I.  unwillingly  gave  orders 
for  the  bombardment  of  Nice.  Accompanied  by  a 
feeble  and  ill-prepared  French  contingent,  which 
soon  ran  short  of  ammunition — "  Fine  soldiers," 
cried  the  Corsair,  "  to  fill  their  ships  with  wine  casks, 
and  leave  the  powder  barrels  behind  !  " — Barbarossa 
descended  upon  the  Gate  of  Italy.  The  city  soon 
surrendered,  but  the  fort  held  out,  defended  by  one 
of  those  invincible  foes  of  the  Turk,  a  Knight  of 
Malta,  Paolo  Simeoni,  who  had  himself  experienced 
captivity  at  the  hands  of  Barbarossa  ;  and  as  the 
French  protested  against  sacking  the  town  after 
capitulation  on  terms,  and  as  Charles's  relieving  army 
was  advancing,  the  camps  were  broken  up  in  con- 
fusion, and  the  fleets  retired  from  Nice. 

The  people  of  Toulon  beheld  a  strange  spectacle 
that  winter.  The  beautiful  harbour  of  Provence  was 
allotted  to  the  Turkish  admiral  for  his  winter 
quarters.  There,  at  anchor,  lay  the  immense  fleet 
of  the  Grand  Signior  ;  and  who  knew  how  long  it 
might  dominate  the  fairest  province  of  France  ? 
There,  turbaned  Musulmans  paced  the  decks  and 
bridge,  below  and  beside  which  hundreds  of  Christian 
slaves  sat  chained  to  the  bench  and  victims  to  the 
lash  of  the  boatswain.  Frenchmen  were  forced  to 
look  on,  helplessly,  while  Frenchmen  groaned  in  the 
infidels'  galleys,  within  the  security  of  a  French 
port.  The  captives  died  by  hundreds  of  fever  during 
that  winter,  but  no  Christian  burial  was  allowed 
them — even  the  bells  that  summon  the  pious  to  the 
Mass  were  silenced,  for  are  they  not  "  the  devil's 


no 


BARBAROSSA  IX  FRASCE. 


musical  instrument  "  ?  1 — and  the  gaps  in  the  benches 
were  filled  by  nightly  raids  among  the  neighbouring 
villages.  It  was  ill  sleeping  around  Toulon  when 
the  Corsair  press-gangs  were  abroad.  And  to  feed 
and  pay  these  rapacious  allies  was  a  task  that  went 
near  to  ruining  the  finances  of  France. 

The  French  were  not  satisfied  of  the  Corsair's 
fidelity,  and  it  must  be  added  that  the  Emperor 
might  have  had  some  reason  to  doubt  the  honesty 
of  Dona.  The  two  greatest  admirals  of  the  age 
were  both  in  the  Western  Mediterranean,  but  nothing 
could  tempt  them  to  come  to  blows.  The  truth 
was  that  each  had  a  great  reputation  to  lose,  and 
each  preferred  to  go  to  his  grave  with  all  his  fame 
undimmed.  Francis  I.  had  a  suspicion  that  Barba- 
rossa  was  meditating  the  surrender  of  Toulon  to  the 
Emperor,  and,  improbable  as  it  was,  some  colour 
was  given  to  the  King's  anxiety  by  the  amicable 
relations  which  seemed  to  subsist  between  the 
Genoese  Corsair  and  his  Barbary  rival.  Doria  gave 
up  the  captive  Dragut  to  his  old  captain  for  a 
ransom  of  three  thousand  gold  crowns — a  transaction 
on  which  he  afterwards  looked  back  with  unqualified 
regret.  The  situation  was  growing  daily  more  un- 
pleasant for  France.  From  his  easy  position  in 
Toulon,  Barbarossa  sent  forth  squadrons  under  Salih 
Rei's  and  other  commanders  to  lay  waste  the  coasts 
of  Spain,  while  he  remained  "  lazily  engaged  in 
emptying  the  coffers  of  the  French  king." 

At  last  they  got  rid  of  him.    Francis  was  com- 

1  See  S.  Lane-Poole,  The  Speeches  and  Tabletalk  of  the  Prophet 
Mohammad,  1 68. 


DEATH  OF  BARBAROSSA. 


Ill 


pel  led  to  furnish  the  pay  and  rations  of  the  whole 
crews  and  troops  of  the  Ottoman  fleet  up  to  their 
re-entry  into  the  Bosphorus  ;  he  had  to  free  four 
hundred  Mohammedan  galley  slaves  and  deliver 
them  to  Barbarossa  ;  he  loaded  him  with  jewellery, 
silks,  and  other  presents  ;  the  Corsair  departed  in  a 
Corsair's  style,  weighed  down  with  spoil.  His  home- 
ward voyage  was  one  long  harrying  of  the  Italian 
coasts  ;  his  galley  sailed  low  with  human  freight ; 
and  his  arrival  at  Constantinople  was  the  signal  for 
the  filling  of  all  the  harems  of  the  great  pashas  with 
beautiful  captives.  Barbarossa,  laden  with  such  gifts, 
was  sure  of  his  welcome. 

Two  years  later  he  died,  in  July,  1546,  an  old  man 
of  perhaps  near  ninety,  yet  without  surviving  his  great 
fame.  "  Valorous  yet  prudent,  furious  in  attack, 
foreseeing  in  preparation,"  he  ranks  as  the  first  sea 
captain  of  his  time.  "  The  chief  of  the  sea  is  dead," 
expressed  in  three  Arabic  words,  gives  the  numerical 
value  953,  the  year  of  the  Hijra  in  which  Kheyr-ed-dln 
Barbarossa  died. 

Long  afterwards  no  Turkish  fleet  left  the  Golden 
Horn  without  her  crew  repeating  a  prayer  and  firing 
a  salute  over  the  tomb  at  Beshiktash,  where  lie  the 
bones  of  the  first  great  Turkish  admiral. 


XI. 


CHARLES  AT  ALGIERS 
I54I- 

When  Barbarossa  left  Algiers  for  ever  in  1535  to 
become  the  High  Admiral  of  the  Ottoman  Empire, 
the  Corsairs  lost  indeed  their  chief ;  but  so  many  of 
his  captains  remained  behind  that  the  game  of  sea 
roving  went  on  as  merrily  as  ever.  Indeed  so  fierce 
and  ruthless  were  their  depredations  that  the  people 
of  Italy  and  Spain  and  the  islands  began  to  regret 
the  attentions  of  so  gentlemanly  a  robber  as  Barba- 
rossa. His  successor  or  viceroy  at  Algiers  was  a 
Sardinian  renegade,  Hasan  the  Eunuch  ;  but  the 
chief  commanders  at  sea  were  Dragut,  Salih  Rei's, 
Sinan,  and  the  rest,  who,  when  not  called  to  join  the 
Captain  Pasha's  fleet,  pursued  the  art  of  piracy  from 
the  Barbary  coast.  Dragut  (properly  Torghud) 
worked  measureless  mischief  in  the  Archipelago  and 
Adriatic,  seized  Venetian  galleys  and  laid  waste  the 
shores  of  Italy,  till  he  was  caught  by  Giannettino 
Doria,  nephew  of  the  great  admiral,  while  unsuspect- 
ingly engaged  in  dividing  his  spoils  on  the  Sardinian 
coast  (1540J.     Incensed   to   find   his  vast  empire 


CHARLES  V.  AT  ALGIERS. 


Hi 


perpetually  harassed  by  foes  so  lawless  and  in 
numbers  so  puny,  Charles  the  Emperor  resolved  to 
put  down  the  Corsairs'  trade  once  and  for  ever.  He 
had  subdued  Tunis  in  1535,  but  piracy  still  went  on. 
Now  he  would  grapple  the  head  and  front  of  the 
offence,  and  conquer  Algiers. 

He  had  no  fears  of  the  result ;  the  Corsair  city- 
would  fall  at  the  mere  sight  of  his  immense  flotilla  ; 
and  in  this  vainglorious  assurance  he  set  out  in 
October,  1 541.  He  even  took  Spanish  ladies  on 
board  to  view  his  triumph.  The  season  for  a  descent 
on  the  African  coast  was  over,  and  every  one  knew 
that  the  chance  of  effecting  anything  before  the 
winter  storms  should  guard  the  coast  from  any 
floating  enemy  was  more  than  doubtful  ;  but  "  the 
Spaniards  commonly  move  with  gravity "  ;  and 
besides,  Charles  had  been  delayed  during  a  busy 
summer  by  his  troubles  in  Germany  and  Flanders, 
and  could  not  get  away  before. 

Now  at  last  he  was  free  ;  and,  in  spite  of  the 
earnest  remonstrances  of  Uoria  and  the  entreaties  of 
the  Pope,  to  Algiers  he  would  go.  Everything  had 
long  been  prepared — a  month,  he  believed,  at  the 
outside  would  finish  the  matter — in  short,  go  he 
would.  At  Spezzia  he  embarked  on  Doria's  flag- 
ship ;  the  Duke  of  Alva,  of  sanguinary  memory, 
commanded  the  troops,  many  of  whom  had  been 
brought  by  the  Emperor  himself  from  the  German 
highlands.  Ill-luck  attended  them  from  the  outset : 
a  storm,  no  unusual  phenomenon  with  November 
coming  on,  drove  the  ships  back  into  shelter  at 
Corsica.    At  length  the  seas  subsided,  and  the  fleet, 


n4 


CHARLES  AT  ALGIERS. 


picking  up  allies  as  it  went  along,  cautiously  hugged 
the  land  as  far  as  Minorca,  where  the  mistral,  the 
terror  of  seamen,  rushed  down  upon  the  huge 
armada — masts  strained,  yards  cracked,  sails  were 
torn  to  rags,  and  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  row 
— row  for  their  lives  and  for  Charles.  They  were 
but  seven  miles  from  Port  Mahon,  yet  it  took  hall 
the  night  to  win  there — an  endless  night  which  the 
panting  crews  never  forgot. 

In  the  bay  of  Palma,  at  Majorca,  the  fleet  was 
assembled.  There  were  the  Emperor's  hundred 
sailing  vessels  carrying  the  German  and  Italian 
troops,  commanded  by  such  historic  names  as 
Colonna'  and  Spinosa  ;  there  were  Fernando 
Gonzago's  Sicilian  galleys,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty 
transports  from  Naples  and  Palermo ;  there  were 
the  fifty  galleys  of  Bernadino  de  Mendoza,  convey- 
ing two  hundred  transports  with  the  arms  and 
artillery,  and  carrying  the  corps  of  gentlemen 
adventurers,  mustered  from  the  chivalry  of  Spain, 
and  including  one  only  who  had  climbed  up  from  the 
ranks — but  that  one  was  Cortes,  the  conqueror  of 
Mexico.  Over  five  hundred  sail,  manned  by  twelve 
thousand  men,  and  carrying  a  land  force  of  twenty- 
four  thousand  soldiers,  entered  the  roads  of  Algiers 
on  October  19,  1 54 1 . 

At  last  the  great  Emperor  set  eyes  upon  the 
metropolis  of  piracy.  On  the  rocky  promontory 
which  forms  the  western  crest  of  the  crescent  bay, 
high  up  the  amphitheatre  of  hills,  tier  upon  tier,  in 
their  narrow  overshadowed  lanes,  the  houses  of  the 
Corsairs  basked  in  the  autumn  sun,  crowned  by  the 


THE  ATTACK  ON  ALGIERS. 


«7 


fortress  which  had  known  the  imperious  rule  of  two 
Barbarossas.  On  the  right  was  the  mole  which 
Spanish  slaves  had  built  out  of  the  ruins  of  the 
Spanish  fort.  Two  gates  fronted  the  south  and 
north,  the  Bab  Azun  and  Bab  el- Wed. 

Avoiding  the  promontory  of  Cashina,  the  galleys, 
with  furled  sails,  drew  up  before  the  low  strand, 
backed  by  stretches  of  luxuriant  verdure,  south  of 
the  city,  and  out  of  range,  at  the  spot  which  is  still 
called  the  "Jardin  d'essai."  A  heavy  swell  pre- 
vented their  landing  for  three  days,  but  on  the  23rd, 
in  beautiful  weather,  the  troops  disembarked.  The 
Berbers  and  Arabs,  who  had  lined  the  shore  and 
defied  the  invaders,  hastily  retired  before  the  guns  of 
the  galleys,  and  the  Spaniards  landed  unopposed. 
The  next  day  they  began  the  march  to  the  city  some 
few  miles  off.  The  Spaniards  formed  the  left  wing 
on  the  hill  side  ;  the  Emperor  and  the  Duke  of  Alva 
with  the  German  troops  composed  the  centre  ;  the 
Italians  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  knights  of  Malta 
marched  on  the  right  by  the  seashore.  Driving 
back  the  straggling  bands  of  mounted  Arabs,  who 
ambushed  among  the  rocks  and  ravines,  and  picked 
off  many  of  the  Christians,  the  invaders  pushed 
steadily  on,  till  Algiers  was  invested  on  all  sides 
save  the  north.  Its  fate  appeared  sealed.  A  brief 
bombardment  from  Charles's  heavy  cannon,  and  the 
Spaniards  would  rush  the  breach  and  storm  the 
citadel.  Hasan  Aga,  within,  with  only  eight 
hundred  Turks,  and  perhaps  five  thousand  Arabs  and 
Moors,  must  almost  have  regretted  the  proud  reply  he 
had  just  made  to  the  Emperor's  summons  to  surrender. 


n8 


CHARLES  AT  ALGIERS. 


Then,  when  the  end  seemed  close  at  hand,  the 
forces  of  Nature  came  to  the  rescue.  The  stars  in 
their  courses  fought  for  Algiers  :  the  rains  descended 
and  the  winds  blew  and  beat  upon  that  army,  till  the 
wretched  soldiers,  with  neither  tents  nor  cloaks,  with 
barely  food — for  the  landing  of  the  stores  had  hardly 
begun — standing  all  night  knee-deep  in  slush  in  that 
pinguid  soil,  soaked  to  the  skin,  frozen  by  the  driving 
rain  and  bitter  wind,  were  ready  to  drop  with  exhaus- 
tion and  misery.  When  morning  dawned  they  could 
scarcely  bear  up  against  the  blustering  gale  ;  their 
powder  was  wet ;  and  a  sudden  sally  of  the  Turks 
spread  a  panic  in  the  sodden  ranks  which  needed  all 
the  courage  and  coolness  of  the  Knights  of  Malta 
to  compose.  At  last  the  enemy  was  driven  out  of 
the  trenches  and  pursued,  skirmishing  all  the  way,  to 
the  Bab  Azun.  It  looked  as  though  pursuers  and 
pursued  would  enter  together ;  but  the  gate  was 
instantly  shut,  and  a  daring  Knight  of  Malta  had 
barely  struck  his  dagger  in  the  gate  to  defy  the 
garrison,  when  the  Christians  found  themselves  under 
so  heavy  a  fire  from  the  battlements,  that  they  were 
forced  to  beat  a  retreat  :  the  Knights  of  Malta,  last 
of  all,  their  scarlet  doublets  shining  like  a  fresh  wound, 
and  their  faces  to  the  foe,  covered  the  retreat. 

Hasan  then  led  out  his  best  horsemen  from  the 
gate,  and  driving  their  heels  into  their  horses'  flanks, 
the  cloud  of  Moslems  poured  down  the  hill.  The 
Knights  of  Malta  bore  the  shock  with  their  iron 
firmness,  though  they  lost  heavily.  The  Italians  ran 
for  their  lives.  The  Germans  whom  Charles  hurriedly 
despatched  to  the  rescue  came  back  at  the  double 


THE  STORM. 


119 


without  drawing  a  sword.  The  Emperor  himself  put 
on  his  armour,  spurred  his  charger  into  the  midst 
of  the  fugitives,  sword  in  hand,  and  with  vehement 
reproaches  succeeded  in  shaming  them  into  fight. 
"  Come,  gentlemen,"  then  said  he  to  the  nobles 
around,  "forwards  !"  And  thus  he  led  his  dispirited 
troops  once  more  to  the  field  ;  this  time  the  panic 
alarm  of  the  rank  and  file  was  controlled  and 
banished  by  the  cool  courage  of  the  cavaliers,  and 
the  Turks  were  driven  back  into  the  town.  The 
skirmish  had  cost  him  three  hundred  men  and  a  dozen 
Knights  of  Malta.  All  that  day  the  Emperor  and 
his  officers,  great  signiors  all,  stood  at  arms  in  the 
pouring  rain,  with  the  water  oozing  from  their,  boots, 
vigilantly  alert. 

Had  Charles  now  run  his  ships  ashore  at  all  hazard, 
and  dragged  up  his  heavy  siege  train  and  stores  and 
tents  and  ammunition,  all  might  yet  have  been  won. 
But  several  precious  days  were  wasted,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  25th  such  a  storm  sprang  upas  mortal 
mariner  rarely  encountered  even  off  such  a  coast — a 
violent  north-easterly  hurricane — still  known  in  Algiers 
as  "  Charles's  gale  " — such  as  few  vessels  cared  to  ride 
off  a  lee  shore.  The  immense  flotilla  in  the  bay  was 
within  an  ace  of  total  destruction.  Anchors  and  cables 
were  powerless  to  hold  the  crowded,  jostling  ships. 
One  after  the  other  they  broke  loose,  and  keeled  over 
to  the  tempest  till  their  decks  were  drowned  in  the 
seas.  Planks  gaped  ;  broadside  to  broadside  the 
helpless  hulks  crashed  together.  Many  of  the  crews 
threw  themselves  madly  on  shore.  In  six  hours 
one  hundred  and  fifty  ships  sank.    The  rowers  of  the 


120 


CHARLES  AT  ALGIERS. 


galleys,  worn  out  with  toiling  at  the  oar,  at  last  suc- 
cumbed, and  fifteen  of  the  vessels  ran  on  shore, 
only  to  be  received  by  the  Berbers  of  the  hills,  who 
ran  their  spears  through  the  miserable  shipwrecked 
sailors  as  soon  as  they  gained  the  land. 

The  worst  day  must  come  to  an  end  :  on  the 
morrow  the  storm  was  over,  and  Doria,  who  had 
succeeded  in  taking  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  out 
to  sea,  came  back  to  see  what  new  folly  was  in  hand. 
He  was  indignant  with  the  Emperor  for  having 
rejected  his  advice  and  so  led  the  fleet  and  army  into 
such  peril  ;  he  was  disgusted  with  his  captains,  who 
had  completely  lost  their  coolness  in  the  hurricane, 
and  wanted  to  run  their  vessels  ashore,  with  the 
certainty  of  wreck,  sooner  than  ride  out  the  storm — 
and  yet  called  themselves  sailors  ! 

He  found  Charles  fully  aware  of  the  necessity  for  a 
temporary  retreat,  till  the  army  should  be  revictualled 
and  reclothed.  The  camp  was  struck  :  the  Emperor 
himself  watched  the  operation,  standing  at  the  door 
of  his  tent  in  a  long  white  cassock,  murmuring  quietly 
the  Christian's  consolation  :  "  Thy  will  be  done  " — 
Fiat  voluntas  Tua !  Baggage  and  ordnance  were 
abandoned ;  the  horses  of  the  field  artillery  were 
devoured  by  the  hungry  troops ;  and  then  the  march 
began. 

To  retreat  at  all  is  humiliation,  but  to  retreat  as 
this  luckless  army  did  was  agony.  Deep  mud  clogged 
their  weary  feet  ;  when  a  halt  was  called  they  could 
but  rest  on  their  halberts,  to  lie  down  was  to  be 
suffocated  in  filth  ;  mountain  torrents  swollen  breast- 
high  had  to  be  crossed,  the  wading  men  were  washed 


THE  RETREAT. 


121 


away  till  they  built  a  rude  bridge — O  crowning 
humiliation  ! — out  of  the  wreckage  of  their  own  ships. 
Hasan  and  a  multitude  of  Turks  and  Arabs  hung 
forever  on  their  flanks.  The  dejected  Italians,  who 
had  no  stomach  for  this  sort  of  work,  fell  often  into 
the  hands  of  the  pursuers ;  the  Germans,  who  could 
do  nothing  without  their  customary  internal  stuffing, 
were  mere  impedimenta ;  and  only  the  lean  Spaniard 
covered  the  retreat  with  something  of  his  natural 
courage. 

At  last  the  dejected  army  reached  the  Bay  of 
Temendefust  (Matifoux),  where  the  remains  of  the 
fleet  were  lying  at  anchor.  It  was  resolved,  in  view 
of  the  approach  of  winter  and  the  impossibility  of 
sending  supplies  to  an  army  in  stormy  weather,  to 
reembark.  Cortes  in  vain  protested  :  the  council  of 
war  agreed  that  it  was  too  late  in  the  year  to  attempt 
retaliation.  Then  a  new  difficulty  arose  :  how  was 
room  to  be  found  in  a  flotilla,  which  had  lost  nearly  a 
third  of  its  ships,  for  an  army  which  was  but  a  couple 
of  thousand  less  than  when  it  landed  ?  Regretfully 
Charles  gave  orders  for  the  horses  to  be  cast  into  the 
sea,  and,  despite  their  masters'  entreaties,  favourite 
chargers  of  priceless  value  were  slaughtered  and 
thrown  overboard.  The  famous  breed  of  Spanish 
horses  was  well-nigh  ruined.  It  was  but  one  tragedy 
more.  On  the  2nd  of  November  most  of  the  troops 
were  on  board.  Charles  resolved  to  be  the  last  to 
leave  the  strand  ;  but  the  wind  was  getting  up,  the  sea 
rising,  and  at  last  he  gave  the  order  to  weigh  anchor. 
Often  is  the  story  told  in  Algiers  how  the  great 
Emperor,  who  would  fain  hold  Europe  in  the  palm 


I  22 


CHARLES  AT  ALGIERS. 


of  his  hand,  sadly  took  the  crown  from  off  his  head 
and  casting  it  into  the  sea  said,  "Go,  bauble:  let 
some  more  fortunate  prince  redeem  and  wear  thee." 

He  did  not  sail  a  moment  too  soon.  A  new  and 
terrific  storm  burst  forth.  The  ships  were  driven 
hither  and  thither.  Where  the  tempest  drove  them, 
there  they  helplessly  wandered,  and  many  men  died 
from  famine  and  exposure.  Some  of  the  Spanish 
vessels  were  wrecked  at  Algiers,  and  their  crews  and 
troops  were  sent  to  the  bagnios.  Charles  himself  and 
Doria  arrived  safely  at  Bujeya — then  a  Spanish  out- 
post— with  part  of  the  flotilla.  Here  the  unexpected 
visitors  soon  caused  a  famine — and  still  the  tempest 
raged.  The  half-starved  rovers  in  vain  tried  to  make 
head  against  the  waves,  and  carry  the  Emperor  back 
to  Spain  :  eighty  miles  out  they  gave  in,  and  the 
ships  returned  disconsolately  to  the  harbour.  Twelve 
days  and  nights  the  storm  bellowed  along  the 
treacherous  coast,  and  not  till  November  23rd  could 
the  Imperial  fleet  set  sail  for  the  coast  of  Spain. 

There  was  mourning  in  Castile  that  Yuletide. 
Besides  eight  thousand  rank  and  file,  three  hundred 
officers  of  birth  had  fallen  victims  to  the  storm  or 
the  Moorish  lance.  Algiers  teemed  with  Christian 
captives,  and  it  became  a  common  saying  that  a 
Christian  slave  was  scarce  a  fair  barter  for  an 
onion. 

So  ended  this  famous  expedition.  It  was  begun  in 
glory,  and  ended  in  shame.  The  whole  of  Christen- 
dom, one  might  say — for  there  were  English  knights 
there,  like  Sir  Thomas  Challoner,  as  well  as  Germans, 
Frenchmen,  Spaniards,  and  Italians  in  the  army — 


THE  GRAVE  OF  THE  KNIGHTS. 


123 


had  gone  forth  to  destroy  a  nest  of  pirates,  and 
behold,  by  the  fury  of  the  elements  and  the  foolish- 
ness of  their  own  counsels,  they  were  almost  destroyed 
themselves.  They  had  left  behind  them  ships  and 
men  and  stores  and  cannon  :  worse,  they  had  left 
Algiers  stronger  and  more  defiant  than  ever. 

The  Algerines,  for  their  part,  never  forgot  the 
valour  of  the  Knights  of  Malta,  and  the  spot  where 
they  made  their  stand  is  still  called  "The  Grave  of 
the  Knights."  High  up  on  the  hillside  may  be  seen 
"  the  Emperor's  Castle,"  which  marks  the  traditional 
place  where  Charles'  great  pavilion  was  pitched  on 
the  morning  of  the  fatal  23rd  of  October. 

"The  climate  of  Africa" — it  is  the  caustic  comment 
of  Admiral  Jurien  de  la  Graviere — "  was  evidently 
unsuited  to  deeds  of  chivalry." 


XII. 

DRAGUT  REIS. 
1543-1560. 

The  name  of  Dragut  has  already  occurred  more  than 
once  in  this  history :  it  was  destined  to  become  as 
notorious  as  Barbarossa's  as  the  century  advanced. 
Dragut — or  Torghud  — was  born  on  the  Caramanian 
coast  opposite  the  island  of  Rhodes.  Unlike  many  of 
his  colleagues  he  seems  to  have  been  the  son  of 
Mohammedan  parents,  tillers  of  the  earth.  Being 
adventurous  by  nature,  he  took  service  as  a  boy  in  the 
Turkish  fleet  and  became  "  a  good  pilot  and  a  most 
excellent  gunner."  At  last  he  contrived  to  purchase 
and  man  a  galleot,  with  which  he  cruised  the  waters 
of  the  Levant,  where  his  intimate  acquaintance  with 
all  the  coasts  and  islands  enabled  him  to  seize  and 
dispose  of  many  prizes.  Kheyr-ed-din  Barbarossa 
soon  came  to  hear  of  his  exploits,  and  welcomed  him 
heartily  when  he  came  to  pay  his  respects  at  Algiers, 
in  so  far  that  he  gave  him  the  conduct  of  various 
expeditions  and  eventually  appointed  him  his 
lieutenant  with  the  command  of  twelve  galleys. 
"  From  thenceforward  this  redoubtable  Corsair 
passed  not  one  summer  without  ravaging  the  coasts 


DRAGUT  AT  THE  GALLEY-OAR. 


127 


of  Naples  and  Sicily  :  nor  durst  any  Christian  vessels 
attempt  to  pass  between  Spain  and  Italy  ;  for  if  they 
offered  it,  he  infallibly  snapped  them  up  :  and  when 
he  missed  any  of  his  prey  at  sea,  he  made  himself 
amends  by  making  descents  along  the  coasts,  plunder- 
ing villages  and  towns,  and  dragging  away  multitudes 
of  inhabitants  into  captivity."  1 

In  1540,  as  we  have  seen,  Dragut  was  caught  by 
Giannettino  Doria,  who  made  him  a  present  to  his 
great  kinsman  Andrea,  on  whose  galleys  he  was 
forced  to  toil  in  chains.  LaValette,  afterwards  Grand 
Master  of  Malta,  who  had  once  pulled  the  captive's 
oar  on  Barbarossa's  ships  and  knew  Dragut  well, 
one  day  saw  the  ex-Corsair  straining  on  the  galley 
bank:  "  Seiior  Dragut,"  said  he,  "  usanza  de  guerra  ! 
—'tis  the  custom  of  war  !  "  And  the  prisoner, 
remembering  his  visitor's  former  apprenticeship, 
replied  cheerfully,  "  Y  mudanza  de  fortuna — a  change 
of  luck  !  "  He  did  not  lose  heart,  and  in  1543  Barba- 
rossa  ransomed  him  for  3000  crowns,2  and  made  him 
chief  of  the  galleys  of  the  western  Corsairs.  Imprison- 
ment had  sharpened  his  appetite  for  Christians,  and 
he  harried  the  Italian  coasts  with  more  than  his 
ancient  zeal.  Surrounded  by  bold  spirits  and  com- 
manding a  fleet  of  his  own,  Dragut  had  the  Mediter- 
ranean in  his  grasp,  and  even  ventured  to  seize  the 
most  dreaded  of  all  foes,  a  Maltese  galley,  wherein  he 
found  70,000  ducats  intended  for  the  repair  of  the 
fortifications  of  Tripoli,  which  then  belonged  to  "  the 

1  Morgan,  Hist,  of  Algiers,  439. 

3  Brantome,  Hommes  illustr's  itranzers.    Oeuvres,  i.  279. 


128 


DRAGUT  REIS. 


Religion."  As  the  Turkish  annalist  says,  "  Torghud 
had  become  the  drawn  sword  of  Islam." 

Dragut's  lair  was  at  the  island  of  Jerba,  which 
tradition  links  with  the  lotus-eaters,  perhaps  because 
of  the  luxuriant  fertility  of  the  soil.  The  people  of 
Jerba,  despite  their  simple  agricultural  pursuits,  were 
impatient  of  control,  and,  as  often  as  not,  were 
independent  of  the  neighbouring  kingdom  of  Tunis  or 
any  other  state.  Here,  with  or  without  their  leave, 
Dragut  took  up  his  position,  probably  in  the  very 
castle  which  Roger  Doria,  when  lord  of  the  island, 
began  to  build  in  1289  ;  and  from  out  the  wide  lake 
at  the  back  the  Corsair's  galleots  issued  to  ravage  the 
lands  which  were  under  the  protection  of  Roger 
Doria's  descendants.  Not  content  with  the  rich 
spoils  of  Europe,  Dragut  took  the  Spanish  outposts 
in  Africa,  one  by  one — Susa,  Sfax,  Monastir  ;  and 
finally  set  forth  to  conquer  "  Africa." 

It  is  not  uncommon  in  Arabic  to  call  a  country  and 
its  capital  by  the  same  name.  Thus  Misr  meant  and 
still  means  both  Egypt  and  Cairo  ;  El-Andalus,  both 
Spain  and  Cordova.  Similarly  "  Africa  "  meant  to 
the  Arabs  the  province  of  Carthage  or  Tunis  and  its 
capital,  which  was  not  at  first  Tunis  but  successively 
Kayrawan  and  Mahdlya.  Throughout  the  later 
middle  ages  the  name  "  Africa "  is  applied  by 
Christian  writers  to  the  latter  city.  Here  it  was  that 
in  1390  a  "grand  and  noble  enterprize  "  came  to  an 
untimely  end.  "The  Genoese,"  says  Froissart,  "bore 
great  enmity  to  this  town  ;  for  its  Corsairs  frequently 
watched  them  at  sea,  and  when  strongest  fell  on  and 
plundered  their  ships,  carrying  their  spoils  to  this 


to 


SIEGE  OF 


.  (  t 


AFRICA. 


•  » 


131 


town  of  Africa,  which  was  and  is  now  their  place  of 
deposit  and  may  be  called  their  warren."  It  was 
"beyond  measure  strong,  surrounded  by  high  walls, 
gates,  and  deep  ditches."  The  chivalry  of  Christendom 
hearkened  to  the  prayer  of  the  Genoese  and  the  people 
of  Majorca  and  Sardinia  and  Ischia,  and  the  many 
islands  that  groaned  beneath  the  Corsairs'  devasta- 
tions ;  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  took  command  of  an 
expedition  (at  the  cost  of  the  Genoese)  which  included 


names  as  famous  as  the  Count  d'Auvergne,  the  Lord 
de  Courcy,  Sir  John  de  Vienne,  the  Count  of  Eu,  and 
our  own  Henry  of  Beaufort  ;  and  on  St.  John  Baptist's 
Day,  with  much  pomp,  with  flying  banners  and  the 
blowing  of  trumpets,  they  sailed  on  three  hundred 
galleys  for  Barbary.  Arrived  before  Africa,  not  without 
the  hindrance  of  a  storm,  they  beheld  the  city  in  the 
form  of  a  bow,  reaching  out  its  arms  to  the  sea  ;  high 
were  its  ramparts  ;  and  a  colossal  tower,  armed  with 


GREEK  FIRE. 


(From  a  MS.) 


132 


DRAG  I' T  REIS. 


stone-projectiles,  guarded  the  harbour.  Nevertheless 
the  Knights  landed  in  good  heart,  after  a  cup  of 
Grecian  or  Malmsey  wine,  on  the  Vigil  of  Magdalen 
Day  (July  22nd),  unopposed,  and  each  great  lord  set 


MEDIEVAL  FIREARMS. 
(From  a  MS.) 

up  his  pennon  before  his  tent  over  against  the  fortress, 
with  the  Genoese  crossbows  on  the  right.  Here 
they  remained  nine  weeks.  The  Saracens  never 
offered  battle,  but  harassed  the  enemy  with  their 


MEDIEVAL  PROJECTILES. 
(From  a  A/S.) 


skirmishers,  who  fired  their  arrows,  then  dropped 
down  behind  their  targets  of  Cappadocian  leather  to 
avoid  the  enemy's  return  volley ;  then,  rising  again, 


MAHDIYA  SURPRISED. 


133 


cast  their  javelins  with  deadly  aim.  What  was  to  be 
done  ?  The  Duke  of  Bourbon  spent  his  time  in 
sitting  crosslegged  before  his  tent ;  the  nobles  and 
knights  had  plenty  of  excellent  wine  and  food  ;  but  it 
was  very  hot  and  uncomfortable — the  assault  had 
failed — many  had  died — the  Genoese  wanted  to  get 
their  galleys  back  safe  in  port  before  the  autumn 
gales  came  on  ;  so  they  packed  up  their  baggage, 
and  re-embarked,  blowing  their  horns  and  beating 
their  drums  for  very  joy."  1 

This  was  the  city  which  Dragut  took  without  a 
blow  in  the  spring  of  1550.  Mahdlya  was  then  in 
an  anarchic  state,  ruled  by  a  council  of  chiefs,  each 
ready  to  betray  the  other,  and  none  owing  the  smallest 
allegiance  to  any  king,  least  of  all  the  despised  king 
of  Tunis,  Hamld,  who  had  deposed  and  blinded  his 
father  Hasan,  Charles  V.'s  protege.  One  of  these 
chiefs  let  Dragut  and  his  merry  men  into  the  city  by 
night,  and  the  inhabitants  woke  up  to  find  "Africa" 
in  the  possession  of  the  bold  Corsair  whose  red  and 
white  ensign,  displaying  a  blue  crescent,  floated  from 
the  battlements. 

So  easy  a  triumph  roused  the  emulation  of 
Christendom.  Where  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  had 
failed,  Dragut  had  conspicuously  succeeded.  Don 
Garcia  de  Toledo  dreamed  of  outshining  the  Corsair's 
glory.  His  father,  the  Viceroy  of  Naples,  the  Pope, 
and  others,  promised  their  aid,  and  old  Andrea  Doria 
took  the  command.  After  much  delay  and  consul- 
tation a  large  body  of  troops  was  conveyed  to 
Mahdiya,  and  disembarked  on  June  28,  1 550.  Dragut, 

1  Froissarts  Chron.,  transl.  T.  Johnes  (1844)  ii.  446,  465,  ff. 


134 


DRAGUT  REIS. 


though  aware  of  the  project,  was  at  sea,  devastating 
the  Gulf  of  Genoa,  and  paying  himself  in  advance  for 
any  loss  the  Christians  might  inflict  in  Africa  :  his 
nephew,  Hisar  Rels  commanded  in  the  city.  When 
Dragut  returned,  the  siege  had  gone  on  for  a  month, 
without  result ;  a  tremendous  assault  had  been 
repulsed  with  heavy  loss  to  the  besiegers,  who  were 
growing  disheartened.  The  Corsair  assembled  a 
body  of  Moors  and  Turks  and  attempted  to  relieve 
the  fortress  ;  but  his  ambuscade  failed,  Hisar's  simul- 
taneous sally  was  driven  back,  and  Dragut,  seeing 
that  he  could  do  nothing,  fled  to  Jerba.  His  retreat 
gave  fresh  energy  to  the  siege,  and  a  change  of  attack 
discovered  the  weak  places  of  the  defence.  A  vigorous 
assault  on  the  8th  of  September  carried  the  walls,  a 
brisk  street  fight  ensued,  and  the  strong  city  of  "Africa" 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Christians. 

The  Sultan,  Suleyman  the  Great,  was  little  pleased 
to  see  a  Moslem  fortress  summarily  stormed  by  the 
troops  of  his  ally,  the  Emperor.  Charles  replied  that 
he  had  fought  against  pirates,  not  against  the  Sultan's 
vassals  ;  but  Suleyman  could  not  perceive  the  dis- 
tinction, and  emphasized  his  disapproval  by  giving 
Dragut  twenty  galleys,  which  soon  found  their  way 
to  Christian  shores.  The  lamentations  of  his  victims 
roused  Doria,  who  had  the  good  fortune  to  surprise 
the  Corsair  as  he  was  greasing  his  keels  in  the 
strait  behind  Jerba.  This  strait  was  virtually  a  cul- 
de-sac.  Between  the  island  and  the  great  lake  that 
lay  behind  it,  the  sea  had  worn  a  narrow  channel  on 
the  northern  side,  through  which  light  vessels  could 
pass,  with  care  ;  but  to  go  out  of  the  lake  by  the 


THE  ESCAPE  FROM  JERBA . 


135 


southern  side  involved  a  voyage  over  what  was  little 
better  than  a  bog,  and  no  one  ever  thought  of  the 
attempt.  Doria  saw  he  had  his  enemy  in  a  trap,  and 
was  in  no  hurry  to  venture  in  among  the  shoals  and 
narrows  of  the  strait.  He  sent  joyous  messages  to 
Europe,  announcing  his  triumph,  and  cautiously,  as 
was  his  habit,  awaited  events. 

Dragut,  for  his  part,  dared  not  push  out  against  a 
vastly  superior  force  ;  his  only  chance  was  a  ruse. 
Accordingly,  putting  a  bold  face  on  the  matter,  he 
manned  a  small  earthwork  with  cannon,  and  played 
upon  the  enemy,  with  little  or  no  actual  injury, 
beyond  the  all-important  effect  of  making  Doria 
hesitate  still  more.  Meanwhile,  in  the  night,  while 
his  little  battery  is  perplexing  the  foe,  all  is  prepared 
at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  strait.  Summon- 
ing a  couple  of  thousand  field  labourers,  he  sets  them 
to  work ;  here  a  small  canal  is  dug — there  rollers 
come  into  play  ;  and  in  a  few  hours  his  small  fleet  is 
safely  transported  to  the  open  water  on  the  south  side 
of  the  island.  Calling  off  his  men  from  the  illusive 
battery,  the  Corsair  is  off  for  the  Archipelago  :  by 
good  luck  he  picks  up  a  fine  galley  on  the  way,  which 
was  conveying  news  of  the  reinforcements  coming  to 
Doria.  The  old  Genoese  admiral  never  gets  the 
message  :  he  is  rubbing  his  eyes  in  sore  amazement, 
wondering  what  had  happened  to  the  imprisoned  fleet. 
Never  was  admiral  more  cruelly  cheated  :  never  did 
Doria  curse  the  nimble  Corsair  with  greater  vehemence 
or  better  cause. 

Next  year,  1 5 5 1 ,  Dragut's  place  was  with  the  Otto- 
man navy,  then  commanded  by  Sinan  Pasha.  He 


136 


DRAGUT  REIS. 


had  had  enough  of  solitary  roving,  and  found  it 
almost  too  exciting  :  he  now  preferred  to  hunt  in 
couples.  With  nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  galleys  or 
galleots,  ten  thousand  soldiers,  and  numerous  siege 
guns,  Sinan  and  Dragut  sailed  out  of  the  Dardanelles — 
whither  bound  no  Christian  could  tell.  They  ravaged, 
as  usual,  the  Straits  of  Messina,  and  then  revealed  the 
point  of  attack  by  making  direct  for  Malta.  The 
Knights  of  St.  John  were  a  perpetual  thorn  in  the 
side  of  the  Turks,  and  even  more  vexatious  to  the 
Corsairs,  whose  vessels  they,  and  they  alone,  dared 
to  tackle  single-handed,  and  too  often  with  success. 
Sultan  and  Corsair  were  alike  eager  to  dislodge  the 
Knights  from  the  rock  which  they  had  been  fortifying 
for  twenty  years,  just  as  Suleyman  had  dislodged 
them  from  Rhodes,  which  they  had  been  fortifying 
for  two  hundred.  In  July  the  Turkish  fleet  appeared 
before  the  Marsa,  wholly  unexpected  by  the  Knights. 
The  Turks  landed  on  the  tongue  of  promontory  which 
separates  the  two  great  harbours,  and  where  there 
was  as  yet.no  Fort  St.  Elmo  to  molest  them.  Sinan 
was  taken  aback  by  the  strong  aspect  of  the  fortress 
of  St.  Angelo  on  the  further  side  of  the  harbour,  and 
almost  repented  of  his  venture.  To  complete  his 
dejection,  he  seems  to  have  courted  failure.  Instead 
of  boldly  throwing  his  whole  force  upon  the  small 
garrison  and  overwhelming  them  by  sheer  weight,  he 
tried  a  reconnaissance,  and  fell  into  an  ambuscade  ; 
upon  which  he  incontinently  abandoned  all  thought 
of  a  siege,  and  contented  himself  with  laying  waste 
the  interior  of  Malta,  and  taking  the  adjacent  island 
of  Goza. 


SIEGE  OF  TRIPOLI. 


137 


The  quantity  of  booty  he  would  bring  back  to 
Constantinople  might  perhaps  avail,  he  thought,  to 
keep  his  head  on  his  shoulders,  after  so  conspicuous  a 
failure;  but  Sinan  preferred  not  to  trust  to  the  chance. 
To  wipe  out  his  defeat,  he  sailed  straight  for  Tripoli, 
some  sixty-four  leagues  away.  Tripoli  was  the  natural 
antidote  to  Malta :  for  Tripoli,  too,  belonged  to  the 
Knights  of  St.  John — much  against  their  will — inas- 
much as  the  Emperor  had  made  their  defence  of  this 
easternmost  Barbary  state  a  condition  of  their  tenure 
of  Malta.  So  far  they  had  been  unable  to  put  it 
into  a  proper  state  of  defence,  and  with  crumbling 
battlements  and  a  weak  garrison,  they  had  yearly 
expected  invasion.  The  hour  had  now  come.  Sum- 
moned to  surrender,  the  Commandant,  Gaspard  de 
Villiers,  of  the  Auvergne  Tongue,  replied  that  the 
city  had  been  entrusted  to  his  charge,  and  he  would 
defend  it  to  the  death.  He  had  but  four  hundred 
men  to  hold  the  fort  w  ithal. 

Six  thousand  Turks  disembarked,  forty  cannons 
were  landed,  Sinan  himself  directed  every  movement, 
and  arranged  his  batteries  and  earthworks.  A  heavy 
cannonade  produced  no  effect  on  the  walls,  and  the 
Turkish  admiral  thought  of  the  recent  repulse  at 
Malta,  and  of  the  stern  face  of  his  master  ;  and  his 
head  sat  uneasily  upon  his  neck.  The  siege  ap- 
peared to  make  no  progress.  Perhaps  this  venture, 
too,  would  have  failed,  but  for  the  treachery  of  a 
French  renegade,  who  escaped  into  the  trenches  and 
pointed  out  the  weak  places  in  the  walls.  His 
counsel  was  taken  ;  the  walls  fell  down  ;  the  garrison, 
in  weariness  and  despair,  had  lain  down  to  sleep  off 


DRAGUT  REIS. 


their  troubles,  and  no  reproaches  and  blows  could 
rouse  them.  On  August  1 5th  Gaspard  de  Villiers  was 
forced  to  surrender,  on  terms,  as  he  believed,  identical 
with  those  which  Suleyman  granted  to  the  Knights  of 
Rhodes.1  But  Sinan  was  no  Suleyman  ;  moreover, 
he  was  in  a  furious  rage  with  the  whole  Order.  He 
put  the  garrison — all  save  a  few — in  chains,  and 
carried  them  off  to  grace  his  triumph  at  Stambol. 

Thus  did  Tripoli  fall  once  more  into  the  hands  of 
the  Moslems,  forty-one  years  after  its  conquest  by  the 
Count  Don  Pedro  Navarro.2 

The  misfortunes  of  the  Christians  did  not  end  here. 
Year  after  year  the  Ottoman  fleet  appeared  in  Italian 
waters,  marshalled  now  by  Sinan,  and  when  he  died 
by  Piali  Pasha  the  Croat,  but  always  with  Dragut  in 
the  van  ;  year  by  year  the  coasts  of  Apulia  and 
Calabria  yielded  up  more  and  more  of  their  treasure, 
their  youth,  and  their  beauty,  to  the  Moslem  ravishers  ; 
yet  worse  was  in  store.  Unable  as  they  felt  them- 
selves to  cope  with  the  Turks  at  sea,  the  Powers  of 
Southern  Europe  resolved  to  strike  one  more  blow  on 
land,  and  recover  Tripoli.  A  fleet  of  nearly  a  hundred 
galleys  and  ships,  gathered  from  Spain,  Genoa,  "the 
Religion,"  the  Pope,  from  all  quarters,  with  the 
Duke  de  Medina-Celi  at  the  head,  assembled  at 
Messina.  Doria  was  too  old  to  command,  but  his 
kinsman,  Giovanni  Andrea,  son  of  his  loved  and  lost 
Giannettino,  led  the  Genoese  galleys.  The  Fates 
seemed  adverse  from  the  outset.  Five  times  the 
expedition  put  to  sea  ;  five  times  was  it  driven  back 

1  See  the  Story  of  Turkey,  170. 

-  See  Jurien  de  la  Gravifre,  Les Corsaires Ba> 193-215. 


THE  PANIC  AT  JRRBA. 


139 


by  contrary  winds.1  At  last,  on  February  10,  1560, 
it  was  fairly  away  for  the  African  coast.  Here  fresh 
troubles  awaited  it.  Long  delays  in  crowded  vessels 
had  produced  their  disastrous  effects :  fevers  and  scurvy 
and  dysentery  were  working  their  terrible  ravages 
among  the  crews,  and  two  thousand  corpses  were  flung 
into  the  sea.  It  was  impossible  to  lay  siege  to  Tripoli 
with  a  diseased  army,  and  when  actually  in  sight  of 
their  object  the  admirals  gave  orders  to  return  to  Jerba. 

A  sudden  descent  quickly  gave  them  the  command 
of  the  beautiful  island.  The  Arab  sheykh  whose 
people  cultivated  it  was  as  ready  to  pay  tribute  to 
the  Spaniard  as  to  the  Corsair.  Medina-Celi  and 
his  troops  accordingly  set  to  work  undisturbed  at 
the  erection  of  a  fortress  strong  enough  to  baffle 
the  besieging  genius  even  of  the  Turks.  In  two 
months  a  strong  castle  was  built,  with  all  scientific 
earthworks,  and  the  admiral  prepared  to  carry  home 
such  troops  as  were  not  needed  for  its  defence. 

Unhappily  for  him,  he  had  lingered  too  long.  He 
had  wished  to  see  the  defences  complete,  and  had 
trusted  to  the  usual  practice  of  the  Turks,  not  to  put 
to  sea  before  May  was  advanced.  He  was  about  to 
prepare  for  departure  when  news  came  that  the 
Turkish  fleet  had  been  seen  at  Goza.  Instantly  all 
was  panic.  Valiant  gentlemen  forgot  their  valour, 
forgot  their  coolness,  forgot  how  strong  a  force  by 
sea  or  land  they  mustered  :  one  thought  alone  was 
uppermost — the  Turks  were  upon  them  !  Giovanni 
Doria  hurried  on  board  and  embarked  his  Genoese  ; 
Medina-Celi  more  methodically  and  with  something 

1  Les  Corsaires  Barbaresque!,  266. 


140 


DRAGUT  REIS. 


like  sang-  froid  personally  supervised  the  embarcation 
of  his  men  ;  but  before  they  could  make  out  of  the 
strait,  where  Dragut  had  so  narrowly  escaped  capture, 
the  dread  Corsair  himself,  and  Ochiali,  and  Piali 
Pasha  were  upon  them.  Then  ensued  a  scene  of 
confusion  that  baffles  description.  Despairing  of 
weathering  the  north  side  of  Jerba  the  panic-stricken 
Christians  ran  their  ships  ashore,  and  deserted  them, 
never  stopping  even  to  set  them  on  fire.  The  deep- 
draught  galleons  stuck  fast  in  the  shallow  water.  On 
rowed  the  Turks  ;  galleys  and  galleons  to  the  number 
of  fifty-six  fell  into  their  hands  ;  eighteen  thousand 
Christians  bowed  down  before  their  scimitars ;  the 
beach,  on  that  memorable  nth  of  May,  1560,  was  a 
confused  medley  of  stranded  ships,  helpless  prisoners, 
Turks  busy  in  looting  men  and  galleys — and  a  hideous 
heap  of  mangled  bodies.  The  fleet  and  the  army 
which  had  sailed  from  Messina  but  three  months  ago 
in  such  gallant  array  were  absolutely  lost.  It  was  a 
dies  nefas  for  Christendom. 

Medina-Celi  and  young  Uoria  made  good  their 
escape  by  night.  But  when  the  old  Genoese  admiral 
learnt  the  terrible  news,  the  loss  of  the  fleet  he  loved, 
the  defeat  of  the  nephew  he  loved  yet  more,  his  dim 
eyes  were  wet.  "  Take  me  to  the  church,"  he  said  ; 
and  he  soon  received  the  last  consolations  of  religion. 
Long  as  he  had  lived,  and  many  as  had  been  the  vicis- 
situdes of  his  great  career,  he  had  willingly  been  spared 
this  last  most  miserable  experience.  On  November  25, 
1 560,  he  gave  up  the  ghost :  he  was  a  great  seaman,  but 
still  more  a  passionate  lover  of  his  country  ; — despotic 
in  his  love,  but  not  the  less  a  noble  Genoese  patriot. 


XIII. 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 

!565- 

When  Sultan  Suleyman  reflected  on  the  magna- 
nimity which  he  had  displayed  towards  the  Knights 
of  Rhodes  in  allowing  them  to  depart  in  peace  in 
1522,  his  feelings  must  have  resembled  those  of  Doria 
when  he  thought  of  that  inconsiderate  release  of 
Dragut  in  1543.  Assuredly  the  royal  clemency  had 
been  ill-rewarded  ;  the  Knights  had  displayed  a 
singular  form  of  gratitude  to  the  sparer  of  their  lives  ; 
they  had  devoted  themselves  to  him,  indeed,  but 
devoted  themselves  to  his  destruction.  The  cavaliers 
whom  Charles  V.  suffered  to  perch  on  the  glaring 
white  rock  of  Malta,  in  1530,  proved  in  no  long  time 
to  be  a  pest  as  virulent  and  all-pervading  as  even 
Rhodes  had  harboured.  Seven  galleys  they  owned, 
and  never  more,  but  the  seven  were  royal  vessels, 
splendidly  armed  and  equipped,  and  each  a  match  for 
two  or  three  Turkish  ships.1  Every  year  they  cruised 
from  Sicily  to  the  Levant,  and  many  a  prize  laden 

1  See  an  excellent  account  of  the  galleys  and  discipline  of  the  Knights 
of  St.  John  in  Jurien  de  l.v  Graviere,  Its  Derniers  Jours  de  la 
Marine  a  Rames,  ch.  ix.  ;  and  Les  Chevaliers  de  Malte,  tome  i. 


142 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 


with  precious  store  they  carried  off  to  Malta.  The 
commerce  of  Egypt  and  Syria  was  in  danger  of 
annihilation  ;  the  Barbary  Corsairs,  e\en  Dragut 
himself,  shunned  a  meeting  with  the  red  galleys  of 
"the  Religion,"  or  their  black  capitana ;  and  the 
Turkish  fleet,  while  holding  undisputed  sway  over 
the  Mediterranean,  was  not  nimble  enough  to  surprise 
the  Maltese  squadron  in  its  rapid  and  incalculable 
expeditions.  Jean  de  la  Valette  Parisot,  General  of 
the  Galleys  and  afterwards  Grand  Master,  Francis  of 
Lorraine,  Grand  Prior  of  France,  Romegas,  prince  of 
knights-errant,  scoured  the  seas  in  search  of  prey  : 
— they  were  as  true  pirates  as  ever  weathered  the 
"white  squall."  The  Knights  lived  by  plunder  as 
much  as  any  Corsair  ;  but  they  tempered  their  free- 
booting  with  chivalry  and  devotions  ;  they  were  the 
protectors  of  the  helpless  and  afflicted,  and  they 
preyed  chiefly  upon  the  enemies  of  the  Faith. 

Meanwhile  they  built  and  built  ;  Fort  St.  Elmo 
rose  on  the  central  promontory,  Forts  St.  Michael  and 
St.  Angelo  were  strengthened  ;  bastions  were  skilfully 
planned,  flanking  angles  devised,  ravelins  and 
cavaliers  erected,  ditches  deepened,  parapets  raised, 
embrasures  opened,  and  every  device  of  sixteenth- 
century  fortification  as  practised  by  Master  Evan- 
gelista,  chief  engineer  of  the  Order,  was  brought  into 
use.  For  the  Knights  knew  that  Suleyman  lived  and 
was  mightier  than  ever.  Their  cruisers  had  wrought 
sad  havoc  among  his  subjects,  and  the  Sultan  would 
not  long  suffer  the  hornets  of  Rhodes  to  swarm  at 
Malta.  They  lived  in  constant  expectation  of  attack, 
and  they  spent  all  their  strength  and  all  their  money 


MALTA  IN  1565. 


143 


in  preparing  for  the  day  of  the  Sultan's  revenge.  At 
last  the  time  came :  Suleyman  swore  in  his  wrath 
that  the  miscreants  should  no  longer  defy  him  ;  he 
had  suffered  them  to  leave  Rhodes  as  gentlemen  of 
honour — he  would  consume  them  in  Malta  as  one 
burns  a  nest  of  wasps. 

At  the  time  of  the  siege  of  1565  the  city  or  fortress 
of  Malta  was  situated,  not  as  Valetta  now  stands  on 
the  west,  but  on  the  east  side  of  the  Marsa  or  great 
harbour.  To  understand  even  the  briefest  narrative  of 
one  of  the  most  heroic  deeds  of  war  that  the  world  has 
seen,  the  position  of  the  forts  must  be  understood.  (See 
the  Plan.)  On  the  northern  coast  of  the  rocky  island 
a  bold  promontory  or  rugged  tongue  of  land,  Mount 
Sceberras,  separates  two  deep  bights  or  inlets.  The 
eastern  of  these  was  called  Marsa  Muset,  or  "  Middle 
Port,"  but  was  unoccupied  and  without  defences  at 
the  time  of  the  siege,  except  that  the  guns  of  St. 
Elmo,  the  fortress  at  the  point  of  the  Sceberras 
promontory,  commanded  its  mouth.  The  Marsa 
Kebir,  or  simply  La  Marsa,  the  "  Great  Port,"  was 
the  chief  stronghold  of  the  Knights.  Here  four 
projecting  spits  of  rock  formed  smaller  harbours  on 
the  western  side.  The  outermost  promontory,  the 
Pointe  des  Fourches,  separated  the  Port  de  la  Renelle 
or  La  Arenela,  from  the  open  sea  ;  Cape  Salvador 
divided  the  Arenela  from  the  English  Harbour  ;  the 
Burg,  the  main  fortress  and  capital  of  the  place,  with 
Fort  St.  Angelo  at  its  point,  shot  out  between  the 
English  Harbour  and  the  Harbour  of  the  Galleys  ; 
and  the  Isle  of  La  Sangle,  joined  by  a  sandy  isthmus 
to  the  mainland,  and  crowned  by  Fort  St.  Michael, 


144 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 


severed  the  Galley  Harbour  from  that  of  La  Sangle. 
All  round  these  inlets  high  hills  dominated  the  ports. 
Behind  Fort  St.  Elmo,  the  Sceberras  climbed  steeply 
to  a  considerable  height.  Behind  the  Arenela  and 
English  Harbour  rose  Mount  Salvador,  Calcara,  and 
further  back  the  Heights  of  St.  Catherine.  The 
Burg  and  Fort  St.  Michael  were  overtopped  by  the 
Heights  of  St.  Margaret,  whilst  the  Conradin  plateau 
looked  down  upon  the  head  of  the  Marsa  and 
the  Harbour  of  La  Sangle.  To  modern  artillery 
and  engineering  the  siege  would  have  been  easy, 
despite  the  rocky  hardness  of  the  ground,  since  the 
Knights  had  not  had  time  to  construct  those  field- 
works  upon  the  surrounding  heights  which  were 
essential  to  the  safety  of  the  forts.  Even  to  the 
skilled  but  undeveloped  artillery  of  the  Turks,  the 
destruction  of  Malta  ought  not  to  have  been  either  a 
difficult  or  lengthy  operation,  had  they  begun  at  the 
right  place. 

To  those  who  were  acquainted  with  the  ground, 
who  had  heard  of  the  siege  of  Rhodes,  and  knew  that 
the  Turks  were  not  less  but  more  formidable  in  1 565 
than  in  1522,  the  issue  of  the  struggle  must  have 
appeared  inevitable,  when  the  huge  Ottoman  fleet 
hove  in  view  on  the  18th  of  May,  1565.  One  hundred 
and  eighty  vessels,  of  which  two-thirds  were  galleys- 
royal,  carried  more  than  thirty  thousand  fighting 
men — the  pick  of  the  Ottoman  army,  tried  Janissaries 
and  Sipahis,  horsemen  from  Thrace,  rough  warriors 
from  the  mountains  of  Anatolia,  eager  volunteers 
from  all  parts  of  the  Sultan's  dominions.  Mustafa 
Pasha  who  had  grown  old  in  the  wars  of  his  master, 


JEAN  DE  LA  VALETTE. 


145 


commanded  on  land,  and  Piali  was  admiral  of  the  fleet. 
Dragut  was  to  join  them  immediately,  and  the  Sultan's 
order  was  that  nothing  should  be  done  till  he  arrived. 

The  Knights  had  not  remained  ignorant  of  the 
preparations  that  were  making  against  them.  They 
sent  to  all  Europe  for  help,  and  the  Pope  gave  money, 
and  Spain  promises  :  the  Viceroy  of  Sicily  would  send 
Spanish  reinforcements  by  the  15th  of  June.  They 
worked  unceasingly  at  their  defences  and  did  all  that 
men  could  do  to  meet  the  advancing  storm.  All 
told,  they  mustered  but  seven  hundred  Knights,  and 
between  eight  and  nine  thousand  mercenaries  of 
various  nations,  but  chiefly  Maltese,  who  could  only 
be  trusted  behind  walls. 

The  Order  was  fortunate  in  its  Grand  Master. 
Jean  de  la  Valette,  born  in  1494,  a  Knight  of  St. 
John  before  he  was  of  age,  and  a  defender  of  Rhodes 
forty-three  years  ago,  though  now  an  old  man  re- 
tained to  the  full  the  courage  and  generalship  which 
had  made  his  career  as  commander  of  the  galleys 
memorable  in  the  annals  of  Mediterranean  wars.  He 
had  been  a  captive  among  the  Turks,  and  knew  their 
languages  and  their  modes  of  warfare  ;  and  his 
sufferings  had  increased  his  hatred  of  the  Infidel.  A 
tall,  handsome  man,  with  an  air  of  calm  resolution,  he 
communicated  his  iron  nerve  to  all  his  followers. 
Cold  and  even  cruel  in  his  severity,  he  was  yet 
devoutly  religious,  and  passionately  devoted  to  his 
Order  and  his  Faith.  A  true  hero,  but  of  the 
reasoning,  merciless,  bigoted  sort :  not  the  generous, 
reckless  enthusiast  who  inspires  by  sympathy  and 
glowing  example. 


146 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 


When  he  knew  that  the  day  of  trial  was  at  hand, 
Jean  de  la  Valette  assembled  the  Order  together,  and 
bade  them  first  be  reconciled  with  God  and  one 
another,  and  then  prepare  to  lay  down  their  lives  for 
the  Faith  they  had  sworn  to  defend.  Before  the 
altar  each  Knight  foreswore  all  enmities,  renounced 
all  pleasures,  buried  all  ambitions ;  and  joining 
together  in  the  sacred  fellowship  of  the  Supper  of  the 
Lord,  once  more  dedicated  their  blood  to  the  service 
of  the  Cross. 

At  the  very  outset  a  grave  mischance  befell  the 
Turks  ;  Dragut  was  a  fortnight  late  at  the  rendezvous. 
His  voice  would  have  enforced  Piali's  advice,  to  land 
the  entire  force  and  attack  the  Burg  and  St.  Michael 
from  the  heights  behind.  Mustafa,  the  Seraskier,  was 
determined  to  reduce  the  outlying  Fort  of  St.  Elmo 
on  the  promontory  of  Sceberras  before  attacking  the 
main  position,  and  accordingly  landed  his  men  at  his 
convenience  from  the  Marsa  Muset,  and  laid  out  his 
earthworks  on  the  land  side  of  St.  Elmo.  He  had 
not  long  begun  when  Ochiali  arrived  with  six 
galleys  from  Alexandria,  and  on  June  2nd  came  Dragut 
himself  with  a  score  or  more  galleys  of  Tripoli  and 
Bona.  Dragut  saw  at  once  the  mistake  that  had 
been  made,  but  saw  also  that  to  abandon  the  siege  of 
St.  Elmo  would  too  greatly  elate  the  Knights  :  the  work 
must  go  on  ;  and  on  it  went  with  unexampled  zeal. 

The  little  fort  could  hold  but  a  small  garrison,  but 
the  force  was  a  corps  d' elite :  De  Broglio  of  Piedmont 
commanded  it  with  sixty  soldiers,  and  was  supported 
by  Juan  de  Guaras,  bailiff  of  the  Negropont,  a 
splendid  old  Knight,  followed  by  sixty  more  of  the 


SIEGE  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


147 


Order,  and  some  Spaniards  under  Juan  de  la  Cerda  : — 
a  few  hundred  of  men  to  meet  thirty  thousand  Turks, 
but  men  of  no  common  mettle.  They  had  not  long 
to  wait.  The  fire  opened  from  twenty-one  guns  on 
the  last  day  of  May  and  continued  with  little  inter- 
mission till  June  23rd.  The  besiegers  were  confident 
of  battering  down  the  little  fort  in  a  week  at  most, 
but  they  did  not  know  their  foes.  As  soon  as  one 
wall  crumbled  before  the  cannonade,  a  new  work 
appeared  behind  it.  The  first  assault  lasted  three 
hours,  and  the  Turks  gained  possession  of  the 
ravelin  in  front  of  the  gate  ;  so  furious  was  the  onset 
that  the  defenders  sent  to  the  Grand  Master  to  tell 
him  the  position  was  untenable  ;  they  could  not  stand 
a  second  storming  party.  La  Valette  replied  that,  if 
so,  he  would  come  and  withstand  it  himself ;  St.  Elmo 
must  be  held  to  keep  the  Turks  back  till  reinforce- 
ments arrived.  So  of  course  they  went  on.  Dragut 
brought  "up  some  of  his  largest  yards  and  laid  them 
like  a  bridge  across  the  fosse,  and  a  tremendous 
struggle  raged  for  five  terrible  hours  on  Dragut's 
bridge.  Again  and  again  Mustafa  marshalled  his 
Janissaries  for  the  attack,  and  every  time  they  were 
hurled  back  with  deadly  slaughter.  As  many  as  four 
thousand  Turks  fell  in  a  single  assault.  St.  Elmo 
was  little  more- than  a  heap  of  ruins,  but  the  garrison 
still  stood  undaunted  among  the  heaps  of  stones, 
each  man  ready  to  sell  his  life  dearly  for  the  honour 
of  Our  Lady  and  St.  John. 

The  Turks  at  last  remedied  the  mistake  they  had 
made  at  the  beginning.  They  had  left  the  communi- 
cation between  St.  Elmo  and  the  harbour  unimpeded, 


148 


THE  KNIGH1S  OF  MALTA. 


and  reinforcements  had  frequently  been  introduced 
into  the  besieged  fortress  from  the  Burg.  On  June 
17th  the  line  of  circumvallation  was  pushed  to  the 
harbour's  edge,  and  St.  Elmo  was  completely  isolated. 
Yet  this  prudent  precaution  was  more  than  out- 
weighed by  the  heavy  loss  that  accompanied  its 
execution  :  for  Dragut  was  struck  down  while 
directing  the  engineers,  and  the  surgeons  pronounced 
the  wound  mortal.  With  the  cool  courage  of  his 
nation,  Mustafa  cast  a  cloak  over  the  prostrate 
form,  and  stood  in  Dragut's  place. 

Five  days  later  came  the  final  assault.  On  the 
eve  of  June  23rd,  after  the  cannonade  had  raged  all 
the  forenoon,  and  a  hand-to-hand  fight  had  lasted  till 
the  evening,  when  two  thousand  of  the  enemy  and 
five  hundred  of  the  scanty  garrison  had  fallen,  the 
Knights  and  their  soldiers  prepared  for  the  end. 
They  knew  the  Grand  Master  could  not  save  them, 
that  nothing  could  avert  the  inevitable  dawn.  They 
took  the  Sacrament  from  each  other's  hands,  and 
"committing  their  souls  to  God  made  ready  to  devote 
their  bodies  in  the  cause  of  His  Blessed  Son."  It 
was  a  forlorn  and  sickly  remnant  of  the  proudest 
chivalry  the  world  has  ever  known,  that  met  the 
conquering  Turks  that  June  morning :  worn  and 
haggard  faces,  pale  with  long  vigils  and  open 
wounds  ;  tottering  frames  that  scarce  could  stand ; 
some  even  for  very  weakness  seated  in  chairs,  with 
drawn  swords,  within  the  breach.  But  weary  and 
sick,  upright  or  seated,  all  bore  themselves  with 
unflinching  courage  ;  in  every  set  face  was  read  the 
resolve  to  die  hard. 


DEATH  OF  DRAGUT. 


I49 


The  ghastly  struggle  was  soon  over  :  the  weight,  of 
the  Turkish  column  bore  down  everything  in  its 
furious  rush.  Knights  and  soldiers  alike  rolled  upon 
the  ground,  every  inch  of  which  they  had  disputed  to 
the  last  drop  of  their  blood.    Not  a  man  escaped. 

Dragut  heard  of  the  fall  of  St.  Elmo  as  he  lay  in 
his  tent  dying,  and  said  his  Moslem  Nunc  Dimittis 
with  a  thankful  heart.  He  had  been  struck  at  the 
soldier's  post  of  duty  ;  he  died  with  the  shout  of 
victory  ringing  in  his  ears,  as  every  general  would 
wish  to  die.  His  figure  stands  apart  from  all  the 
men  of  his  age  : — an  admiral,  the  equal  of  Barbarossa, 
the  superior  of  Doria  ;  a  general  fit  to  marshal  troops 
against  any  of  the  great  leaders  of  the  armies  of 
Charles  V.  ;  he  was  content  with  the  eager  rush  of 
his  life,  and  asked  not  for  sovereignty  or  honours. 
Humane  to  his  prisoners,  a  gay  comrade,  an  inspiriting 
commander,  a  seaman  every  inch,  Dragut  is  the  most 
vivid  and  original  personage  among  the  Corsairs. 

St.  Elmo  had  fallen  :  but  St.  Angelo  and  St. 
Michael  stood  untouched.  Three  hundred  Knights 
of  St.  John  and  thirteen  hundred  soldiers  had  indeed 
fallen  in  the  first,  but  its  capture  had  closed  the  lives 
of  eight  thousand  Turks.  "If  the  child  has  cost  us 
so  dear,"  said  Mustafa,  "  what  will  the  parent  cost  ?  " 
The  Turkish  general  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  La 
Valette,  to  propose  terms  of  capitulation,  but  in  vain. 
Mutual  animosity  had  been  worked  to  a  height  of 
indignant  passion  by  a  barbarous  massacre  of 
prisoners  on  both  sides,  each  in  view  of  the  other. 
The  Grand  Master's  first  impulse  was  to  hang  the 
messenger  of  such  foes  :  he  thought  better  of  it,  and 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 


showed  him  the  depth  of  the  ditch  that  encircled 
the  twin  forts  :  "  Let  your  Janissaries  come  and  take 
that,"  he  said,  and  contemptuously  dismissed  him. 

A  new  siege  now  began.  The  forts  on  the  east  of 
La  Marsa  had  been  sorely  drained  to  fill  up  the  gaps 
in  the  garrison  at  St.  Elmo,  and  it  was  fortunate  that 
Don  Juan  de  Cardona  had  been  able  to  send  a 
reinforcement,  though  only  of  six  hundred  men,  under 
Melchior  de  Robles,  to  the  Old  Town,  whence 
they  contrived  to  reach  Fort  St.  Michael  in  safety.1 
Even  six  hundred  men  added  materially  to  the 
difficulties  of  the  siege  :  for,  be  it  remembered,  six 
hundred  men  behind  skilfully  constructed  fortifica- 
tions may  be  worth  six  thousand  in  the  open.  It 
was  very  hard  for  the  besiegers  to  find  cover.  The 
ground  was  hard  rock,  and  cutting  trenches  was 
extremely  arduous  work,  and  the  noise  of  the  picks 
directed  the  fire  of  the  forts  by  night  upon  the 
sappers.  Nevertheless  by  July  5th  four  batteries 
were  playing  upon  St.  Michael  from  the  heights  of 
St.  Margaret  and  Conrad  in,  while  the  guns  of  Fort 
St.  Elmo  opened  from  the  other  side  ;  and  soon  a  line 
of  cannon  on  Mount  Salvador  dominated  the  English 
Fort.  An  attempt  to  bring  a  flotilla  of  gunboats 
into  the  Harbour  of  the  Galleys  failed,  after  a  vigorous 
conflict  between  a  party  of  Turkish  swimmers,  who 
strove  with  axes  to  cut  the  chain  that  barred  the 
port,  and  some  Maltese  who  swam  to  oppose  them, 
sword  in  teeth.  The  battle  in  the  water  ended  in  the 
flight  of  the  Turks. 

1  Jurien  de  la  Graviere,  Les  Chevaliers  de  Malle  et  la  Marine  de 
Philtppt  11.,  ii-  71. 


SKETCH  OF  THE  PORT  OF  MALTA  IN  1565. 
(Jurien  ife  la  daviere.) 


ASSAULTS  ON  FORT  ST.  MICHAEL. 


155 


Ten  distinct  general  assaults  were  delivered  with  all 
the  fury  of  Janissaries  against  the  stronghold.  First, 
a  grand  assault  by  sea  was  ordered  on  July  15th. 
Three  columns  simultaneously  advanced  by  night  on 
Fort  St.  Michael  :  one  landed  in  the  Arenela  and 
marched  to  attack  the  eastern  suburb  La  Bormula ; 
the  second  came  down  from  the  heights  of  St. 
Margaret  and  made  straight  for  the  bastion  defended 
by  De  Robles  ;  the  third  advanced  from  Conradin  on 
the  south-west,  and  assaulted  the  salient  angle  at  the 
extreme  point  of  the  spit  of  land  on  which  the  fort 
was  built.  In  vain  the  Turks  swarmed  up  the 
scaling-ladders  ;  company  after  company  was  hurled 
down,  a  huddled  mass  of  mangled  flesh,  and  the 
ladders  were  cast  off.  Again  the  escalade  began  : — 
the  Knights  rolled  huge  blocks  of  masonry  on  the 
crowded  throng  below  ;  when  they  got  within  arms' 
reach  the  scimitar  was  no  match  for  the  long  two- 
handed  swords  of  the  Christians.  At  all  three  points 
after  a  splendid  attack,  which  called  forth  all  the 
finest  qualities  of  the  magnificent  soldiery  of  Suley- 
man  the  Great,  the  Turks  were  repulsed  with  terrible 
loss.  The  Knights  lost  some  of  their  bravest  swords, 
and  each  one  of  them  fought  like  a  lion  :  but  their 
dead  were  few  compared  with  the  unfortunate  troops 
of  Barbary,  who  had  cut  off  their  retreat  by  dis- 
missing their  ships,  and  were  slaughtered  or  drowned 
in  the  harbour  by  hundreds.  The  water  was  red 
with  their  blood,  and  mottled  with  standards  and 
drums  and  floating  robes.  Of  prisoners,  the  Christians 
spared  but  two,  and  these  they  delivered  over  to  the 
mob  to  be  torn  in  pieces. 


r56 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 


After  the  assault  by  water  came  the  attack  by 
mines  ;  but  the  result  was  no  better,  for  the  Knights 
were  no  novices  in  the  art  of  countermining,  and  the 
attempt  to  push  on  after  the  explosion  ended  in 
rushing  into  a  trap.  Mustafa,  however,  continued  to 
work  underground  and  ply  his  heavy  artillery,  with 
hardly  a  pause,  upon  the  two  extremities  of  the  line 
of  landward  defences — the  Bastion  of  De  Robles,  and 
the  Bastion  of  Castile  :  both  were  in  ruins  by  the 
27th  of  July,  as  Salih  Rei's,  son  of  Barbarossa's  old 
comrade,  satisfied  himself  by  a  reconnaissance  pushed 
into  the  very  breach.  An  assault  was  ordered 
for  midday  of  August  2nd,  when  the  Christians 
were  resting  after  the  toils  of  the  sultry  morning. 
Six  thousand  Turks  advanced  in  absolute  silence 
to  Melchior  de  Robles'  bastion  ;  they  had  almost 
reached  their  goal  when  the  shout  of  the  sentry 
brought  that  gallant  Knight,  readily  awakened, 
to  the  breach,  followed  by  Munatones  and  three 
Spanish  arquebusiers.  These  five  warriors  held 
twenty-six  Janissaries  and  Sipahis  in  check  till  rein- 
forcements came  ;  and  they  killed  fifteen  of  them. 
Their  valour  saved  the  fort.  Four  hours  longer  the 
struggle  lasted,  till  neither  party  could  deal  another 
blow  in  the  raging  August  sun  ;  and  the  Turks  at 
last  retired  with  a  loss  of  six  hundred  dead. 

Nothing  daunted,  the  7th  of  August  saw  them  once 
more  scaling  the  walls  and  rushing  the  breaches  of  the 
two  bastions,  this  time  with  nearly  twenty  thousand 
men.  They  poured  over  the  ravelin,  swarmed  up  the 
breach,  and  were  on  the  point  of  carrying  the  fort. 
All  was  nearly  lost,  and  at  that  supreme  moment  even 


A  FALSE  ALARM. 


157 


the  aged  Grand  Master,  whose  place  was  to  direct,  not 
to  imperil  his  life,  came  down  to  the  front  of  battle, 
and  used  his  sword  and  pike  like  a  common  soldier. 
Eight  long  hours  they  fought,  six  times  came  fresh 
reserves  to  the  support  of  the  Turks  ;  the  Christians 
were  exhausted,  and  had  no  reserves.  One  rush 
more  and  the  place  would  be  carried. 

Just  then  a  body  of  cavalry  was  seen  riding  down  from 
the  direction  of  the  Old  Town.  The  Turks  took  them 
to  be  the  long-expected  reinforcements  from  Sicily. 
They  are  seen  to  fall  upon  stray  parties  of  Turks  ; 
they  must  be  the  advance  guard  of  Philip's  army- 
Piali  in  alarm  runs  to  his  galleys  ;  the  Turks  who 
had  all  but  carried  the  long-contested  bastion  pause 
in  affright  lest  they  be  taken  in  rear.  In  vain  Mus- 
tafa, in  vain  the  King  of  Algiers  shows  them  that  the 
horsemen  are  but  two  hundred  of  the  Old  Town 
garrison,  with  no  army  at  all  behind  them.  Panic, 
unreasoning  and  fatal  as  ever,  seizes  upon  the  troops  : 
the  foothold  won  after  eight  hours  of  furious  fighting 
is  surrendered  to  a  scare  ;  not  a  Turk  stays  to  finish 
the  victory.  The  lives  of  their  two  thousand  dead 
need  not  have  been  sacrificed 

Still  Mustafa  did  not  despair.  He  knew  that  the 
main  defences  of  the  bastions  had  been  destroyed — a 
few  days  more,  a  heavy  cannonade,  the  explosion  of 
a  series  of  mines  which  thousands  of  his  sappers  were 
preparing  would,  he  was  certain,  ensure  the  success 
of  a  final  assault.  The  day  came,  August  20th,  and 
Mustafa  himself,  in  his  coat  of  inlaid  mail  and  robe  of 
cramoisy,  led  his  army  forward  ;  but  a  well-directed 
fire  drove  him  into  a  trench,  whence  he  emerged  not 


158 


THE  KNIGHTS  OF  MALTA. 


till  night  covered  his  path.  When  at  last  he  got  back, 
he  found  his  army  in  camp  ;  another  assault  had  been 
repulsed.  The  next  day  they  went  up  again  to  the  fatal 
embrasures,  and  this  time  the  failure  was  even  more 
signal  ;  repeated  repulses  were  telling  on  the  spirits 
of  the  men,  and  the  veteran  Janissaries  went  to  their 
work  with  unaccustomed  reluctance.  Nevertheless,  the 
trenches,  cut  in  the  hard  rock,  continued  to  advance 
slowly,  and  the  cavalier  behind  the  ravelin  was  taken 
after  a  severe  struggle  : — just  taken,  when  La  Valette's 
mines  blew  the  victorious  assailants  into  the  air.  On 
the  30th  another  well-planned  assault  was  repelled. 
One  more  effort — a  last  and  desperate  attempt — was 
to  be  made  on  the  7th  of  September  ;  but  on  the  5th 
the  news  arrived  that  the  Spanish  army  of  relief  had 
at  length,  after  inconceivable  delays  and  hesitations, 
actually  landed  on  the  island.  The  worn-out  Turks 
did  not  wait  to  reconnoitre,  they  had  borne  enough  :  a 
retreat  was  ordered,  the  siege  was  abandoned,  the 
works  that  had  cost  so  much  labour  and  blood  were 
deserted,  and  there  was  a  general  stampede  to  the 
galleys.  It  is  true  they  landed  again  when  they  learnt 
that  the  relieving  army  numbered  but  six  thousand 
men  ;  but  their  strength  was  departed  from  them. 
They  tried  to  fight  the  relieving  army,  and  then  again 
they  ran  for  the  ships.  The  Spaniards  cut  them  down 
like  sheep,  and  of  all  that  gallant  armament  scarce 
five  thousand  lived  to  tell  the  tale  of  those  terrible 
three  months  in  Malta. 

No  more  moving  sight  can  be  imagined  than  the 
meeting  of  the  new-come  Brethren  of  the  Order  and 
their  comrades  of  St.  Michael's  Fort.     The  worn 


THE  RELIEF. 


159 


remnant  of  the  garrison,  all  told,  was  scarcely  six 
hundred  strong,  and  hardly  a  man  was  without  a 
wound.  The  Grand  Master  and  his  few  surviving 
Knights  looked  like  phantoms  from  another  world,  so 
pale  and  grisly  were  they,  faint  from  their  wounds, 
their  hair  and  beard  unkempt,  their  armour  stained, 
and  neglected,  as  men  must  look  who  had  hardly  slept 
without  their  weapons  for  more  than  three  memorable 
months.  As  they  saw  these  gaunt  heroes  the  rescuers 
burst  into  tears  ;  strangers  clasped  hands  and  wept 
together  with  the  same  overpowering  emotion  that 
mastered  relievers  and  relieved  when  Havelock  and 
Colin  Campbell  led  the  Highlanders  into  Lucknow. 
Never  surely  had  men  deserved  more  nobly  the 
homage  of  mankind.  In  all  history  there  is  no  record 
of  such  a  siege,  of  such  a  disproportion  in  the  forces, 
of  such  a  glorious  outcome.  The  Knights  of  Malta 
live  for  ever  among  the  heroes  of  all  time. 


XIV. 


LEPANTO. 
I57I- 

The  failure  of  the  siege  of  Malta  was  a  sensible 
rebuff,  yet  it  cannot  be  said  that  it  seriously  injured 
the  renown  of  the  Turks  in  the  Mediterranean.  They 
had  been  resisted  on  land  ;  they  had  not  yet  been 
beaten  at  sea.  Nor  could  they  look  back  on  the 
terrible  months  of  the  siege  without  some  compen- 
sating feeling  of  consolation.  They  had  taken  St. 
Elmo,  and  its  fall  had  aroused  general  jubilation  in 
every  Moslem  breast ;  the  Moors  of  Granada  went 
near  to  rising  against  the  Spaniards  on  the  mere 
report  of  this  triumph  of  the  Turkish  arms.  Though 
they  had  failed  to  reduce  St.  Michael,  the  cause  was 
to  be  found,  at  least  in  part,  in  a  false  alarm  and  an 
unreasoning  panic.  To  be  defeated  by  such  warriors 
as  the  Knights  of  St.  John  was  not  a  disgrace  ;  like 
the  Highlanders  in  the  Crimean  War,  these  men  were 
not  so  much  soldiers,  in  their  opponents'  eyes,  as 
veritable  devils  ;  and  who  shall  contend  against  the 
legions  of  the  Jinn  ?  Moreover,  forced  as  they  were 
to  abandon  the  siege,  had  they  not  left  the  island  a 


OCHIALI. 


161 


desert,  its  people  reduced  by  half,  its  fortifications 
heaps  of  rubbish,  its  brave  defenders  a  handful  of 
invalids  ? 

So  reasoned  the  Turks,  and  prepared  for  another 
campaign.  They  had  lost  many  men,  but  more  were 
ready  to  take  their  place  ;  their  immense  fleet  was 
uninjured  ;  and  though  Dragut  was  no  more,  Ochiali 
— as  the  Christians  called  'Ali  El-Uluji  "the  Rene- 
gade " — the  Turks  dubbed  him  Farias,  "  Scurvied," 
from  his  complaint — was  following  successfully  in  his 
old  master's  steps.  Born  at  Castelli  (Licastoli)  in 
Calabria  about  1508,1  Ochiali  was  to  have  been  a 
priest,  but  his  capture  by  the  Turks  turned  him  to 
the  more  exciting  career  of  a  Corsair.  Soon  after 
the  siege  of  Malta  he  succeeded  Barbarossa's  son 
Hasan  as  pasha  or  Beglerbeg  of  Algiers  (1568),  and 
one  of  his  first  acts  was  to  retake  Tunis  (all  but  the 
Goletta)  in  the  name  of  Sultan  Selim  II.,  who,  to  the 
unspeakable  loss  of  the  Mohammedan  world,  had  in 
1566  succeeded  his  great  father  Suleyman.  In  July, 
1570,  off  Alicata,  on  the  southern  coast  of  Sicily,  Ochiali 
surrounded  four  galleys  of  "  the  Religion  " — they 
then  possessed  but  five — and  took  three  of  them,  includ- 
ing the  flag-ship,  which  Saint-Clement,  the  general  of 
the  galleys,  abandoned  in  order  to  throw  himself  and  his 
treasure  on  shore  at  Montichiaro.  One  galley  alone, 
the  Si.  Ann,  made  a  desperate  resistance  ;  the  others 
surrendered.  Sixty  Knights  or  Serving  Brothers  of 
the  Order  were  killed  or  made  prisoners  on  this 
disastrous  day,  and  so  intense  was  the  indignation  in 

'  H  DE  Grammont,  La  course,  I' esc  lavage,  et  la  redetnption  ;  In 
pacha  d  Alger  ;  Hist,  d ' Algirie. 


l62 


LF.PAXTO. 


Malta,  that  the  Grand  Master  had  much  ado  to  save 
Saint-Clement  from  being  lynched  by  the  mob,  and 
was  obliged  to  deliver  him  up  to  the  secular  court, 
which  at  once  condemned  him  to  death.  He  was 
strangled  in  his  cell,  and  his  body  thrown  in  a  sack 
into  the  sea.  Such  a  success  went  far  to  atone  for 
Mustafa  Pasha's  unfortunate  siege. 

A  far  more  important  triumph  awaited  the  Turks 
in  1 570- 1  : — a  siege,  and  a  conquest.  The  new 
Sultan,  like  his  father,  saw  in  the  island  of  Cyprus 
a  standing  affront  to  his  authority  in  the  Levant. 
Then,  as  now,  Cyprus  was  a  vital  centre  in  all  maritime 
wars  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  ;  a  convenient 
depot  for  troops  and  stores  ;  a  watch-tower  whence 
the  movements  of  the  Turkish  fleet  could  be  observed  ; 
a  refuge  for  the  numberless  Christian  Corsairs  that 
infested  the  coast  of  Syria.  Cyprus  belonged  to 
Venice,  and  on  the  score  of  her  protection  of  piracy  the 
Sultan  found  no  difficulty  in  picking  a  quarrel  with 
the  Senate.  War  was  declared,  and  Piali  Pasha 
transported  a  large  army  under  Lala  Mustafa  (not 
the  Seraskier  who  commanded  at  Malta)  to  lay  siege 
to  Nicosia,  the  capital  of  the  island.  After  forty-eight 
days,  the  city  fell,  September  9th,  and  became  a 
shambles.  The  catastrophe  might  have  been  averted, 
had  the  Christian  fleet  owned  a  single  competent  chief  ; 
but  unhappily  the  relief  of  Cyprus  was  entrusted  to 
the  least  trustworthy  of  all  instruments — a  coalition. 

Pope  Pius  V.,  a  man  of  austere  piety,  full  of  the 
zeal  of  his  high  office,  and  in  energy  and  intellect  a 
born  leader,  spared  no  effort  to  support  the  Venetians 
as  soon  as  war  became  inevitable.    Few  of  the  states 


CYPRUS. 


163 


of  Europe  found  it  convenient  to  respond  to  his 
appeal,  but  Philip  of  Spain  sent  a  numerous  fleet 
under  Giovanni  Andrea  Doria,  and  the  Pope  himself, 
aided  in  some  degree  by  the  Italian  princes,  added 
an  important  contingent,  which  he  confided  to  the 
care  of  the  Grand  Constable  of  Naples,  Mark  Antony 
Colonna.  Giovanni  Zanne  commanded  the  Venetian 
fleet.  The  whole  force,  when  united,  amounted  to  no 
less  than  two  hundred  and  six  vessels,  of  which  eleven 
were  galleasses,  and  nearly  all  the  rest  galleys  ;  while 
the  soldiers  and  crews  numbered  forty-eight  thousand 
men.  So  dire  was  the  dread  then  inspired  by  the 
Turks  that  this  vast  armament  dared  not  move 
till  it  was  known  that  Ochiali  had  left  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Italy,  and  even  then  the  rivalries  of  the 
different  admirals  tended  rather  to  war  between  the 
contingents  than  an  attack  upon  the  enemy's  fleet. 
While  the  Christians  were  wrangling,  and  Doria  was 
displaying  the  same  Fabian  caution  that  had  led  his 
grand-uncle  to  lose  the  battle  of  Prevesa,  Piali  Pasha, 
wholly  regardless  of  danger,  had  bared  his  galleys 
almost  entirely  of  soldiers,  in  order  to  aid  Lala 
Mustafa  in  the  final  assault  on  Nicosia.  Had  the 
allied  fleets  attacked  him  on  the  8th  or  9th  of 
September  it  is  doubtful  whether  a  single  Turkish 
galley  could  have  shown  fight.  But  Colonna  and 
Doria  wasted  their  time  in  wrangling  and  discussing, 
while  the  foe  lay  powerless  at  their  feet.  Finally 
they  sailed  back  to  Sicily,  for  fear  of  bad  weather. 
Such  were  the  admirals  who  furnished  the  gibes  of 
Ochiali  and  his  brother  Corsairs.  Famagusta  sur- 
rendered August  4,  1 57 1,  and  despite  the  promise  of 


164 


LEPANTO. 


life  and  liberty,  the  garrison  was  massacred  and  the 
Venetian  commander,  Bragadino,  cruelly  burnt  to 
death.  Cyprus  became  a  Turkish  possession  thence- 
forward to  this  day. 

Meanwhile,  the  Turkish  and  Barbary  fleets,  com- 
manded by  'Ali  Pasha,  the  successor  of  Piali,  and 
Ochiali,  ravaged  Crete  and  other  islands,  and 
coasting  up  the  Adriatic,  worked  their  will  upon 
every  town  or  village  it  suited  their  pleasure  to  attack. 
Thousands  of  prisoners,  and  stores  and  booty  of  every 
description  rewarded  their  industry.  At  length,  in 
September,  they  anchored  in  the  Gulf  of  Lepanto. 
They  had  heard  that  the  united  Christian  fleets  were  on 
the  move,  and  nothing  would  suit  the  victors  of  Cyprus 
better  than  a  round  encounter  with  the  enemy. 
Flushed  with  success,  they  had  no  fear  for  the  issue. 

Many  a  Christian  fleet  had  gathered  its  members 
together  before  then  in  the  waters  of  the  Adriatic. 
The  great  battle  off  Prevesa  was  in  the  memory  of 
many  an  old  sailor  as  the  galleys  came  to  the 
rendezvous  in  the  autumn  of  1571.  But  there  was  an 
essential  difference  between  then  and  now.  Prevesa 
was  lost  by  divided  counsels  ;  at  Lepanto  there  was 
but  one  commander-in-chief.  Pope  Pius  V.  had 
laboured  unceasingly  at  the  task  of  uniting  the  Allies 
and  smoothing  away  jealousies,  and  he  had  succeeded 
in  drawing  the  navies  of  Southern  Europe  on  to 
another  year's  campaign  ;  then,  warned  by  what  he 
had  learned  of  the  wranglings  off  Cyprus,  he  exerted 
his  prerogative  as  Vicar  of  God,  and  named  as  the 
sole  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole  fleet,  Don 
John  of  Austria. 


DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA. 


167 


Son  of  the  most  illustrious  monarch  of  the  age, 
Don  John  was  born  to  greatness.  His  mother  was 
the  beautiful  singer,  Barba  Blomberg  ;  his  father  was 
Charles  V.  The  one  gave  him  grace  and  beauty ; 
the  other,  the  genius  of  command.  He  was  but 
twenty-two  when  his  half-brother,  Philip,  confided  to 
him  the  difficult  task  of  suppressing  the  rebellion 
of  the  Moors  in  the  Alpuxarras.1  Where  the  ex- 
perienced veterans  of  Spain  had  failed,  the  beardless 
general  of  twenty-two  succeeded  to  admiration. 
And  now,  two  years  later,  he  was  called  to  the 
command  of  the  whole  navy  of  Southern  Europe. 
He  accepted  the  post  with  joy.  He  had  all  the 
hopeful  confidence  of  youth,  and  he  longed  to  fight 
one  of  the  world's  great  battles.  His  enthusiasm 
glowed  in  his  face  :  one  sees  it  in  his  portraits  and 
on  the  medals  struck  to  commemorate  his  victory. 
"  Beau  comme  un  Apollon,  il  avait  tout  le  prestige 
d'un  archange  envoye  par  le  Seigneur  pour  exterminer 
les  ennemis  de  la  Foi." 

Squadron  after  squadron  begins  to  crowd  the 
Straits  of  Messina.  Veniero,  the  Venetian  admiral, 
is  already  there  with  forty-eight  galleys,  and  sixty 
more  expected,  when  Colonna  enters,  in  July,  with 
eighteen  vessels  and  moors  alongside.  Don  John 
has  not  yet  arrived.  He  has  had  much  ado  to  get 
his  squadron  ready,  for  no  nation  understands  better 
than  the  Spanish  the  virtue  of  the  adage  festina  lente. 
At  last  he  puts  off  from  Barcelona,  and  laboriously 
crosses  the  Gulf  of  Lyons.  One  may  smile  now  at 
the  transit,  but  in  those  days,  what  with  the  mistral 
1  See  The  Story  of  the  Moors  in  Spain,  p.  278. 


1 68 


LEPANTO. 


and  the  risk  of  Corsairs,  to  cross  the  Gulf  of  Lyons 
was  a  thing  to  be  thought  about.  At  Genoa  Don 
John  is  entertained  by  G.  Andrea  Doria,  and  attends 
a  fancy  ball  in  a  gay  humour  that  becomes  his  youth 
and  buoyancy  with  all  his  perils  still  ahead.  Ashe 
proceeds,  he  hears  how  the  Turks  are  laying  waste 
Dalmatia,  and  how  the  Allies  are  quarrelling  at 
Messina,  but  he  hastens  not  :  he  knows  that  a  galley 
on  a  long  voyage  has  as  much  a  fixed  pace  as  a  horse, 
and  that  flogging  is  of  no  use  except  for  a  short 
course.  At  Naples  he  reverently  receives  the  standard 
blessed  by  his  Holiness  himself,  and  on  August  23rd 
he  joins  the  fleet  at  Messina  Time  is  still  needed 
for  the  other  ships  to  come  up,  and  for  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  mature  his  plans ;  before  they 
start,  each  captain  of  a  galley  will  have  a  separate 
written  order,  showing  him  his  place  during  the 
voyage  and  his  post  in  any  engagement,  whereby  the 
risk  of  confusion  and  hasty  marshalling  is  almost 
done  away.  On  the  16th  of  September  the  signal 
is  given  to  weigh  anchor.  Don  John  is  off  first,  in 
his  Reale,  a  splendid  capitana  galley  of  sixty  oars, 
with  a  poop  carve  !  with  allegorical  designs  by 
Vasquez  of  Seville.  After  him  come  two  hundred 
and  eighty-five  vessels,  comprising  six  galleasses  and 
two  hundred  and  nine  galleys,  carrying  twenty-nine 
thousand  men,  and  commanded  by  the  most  famous 
names  of  the  great  families  of  Spain,  Genoa,  Venice, 
Naples,  Rome,  Vicenza,  Padua,  Savoy,  and  Sicily.1 
Don  Juan  de  Cardona  leads  the  van  with  seven  galleys  ; 

1  See  the  complete  list  in  Girolamo  Catena,  Vita  del gloriosissimo 
Papa  Pio  Quinto,  1587. 


ARABIC  ASTROLABE. 


ARABIC  ASTROLABE. 


THE  TURKISH  FLEET. 


1 73 


Don  John  himself,  between  Marcantonio  Colonna 
and  Veniero,  commands  the  centre  of  sixty-two  large 
galleys  ;  G.  A.  Doria  has  fifty  in  the  right  wing  ; 
Barbarigo  of  Venice  fifty-three  in  the  left ;  Don 
Alvaro  de  Bazan  commands  the  reserve  of  thirty 
galleys  :  the  galleasses  are  ranged  before  the  lines, 
each  with  five  hundred  arquebusiers  on  board.  After 
ten  days  rowing  and  sailing  they  reach  Corfu,  and 
the  castle  greets  them  with  thunders  of  joy-guns,  for 
the  fear  of  the  Turk  is  removed. 

'Ali  Pasha,  hard  by  in  the  Gulf  of  Lepanto,  sent 
out  scouts  to  ascertain  the  enemy's  strength.  A 
bold  Barbary  Corsair  pushed  his  bark  unseen  by 
night  among  the  Christian  galleys,  but  his  report  was 
imperfect,  and  till  the  day  of  conflict  neither  side 
knew  the  exact  strength  of  his  opponent.  The 
Turkish  fleet  numbered  about  two  hundred  and  eight 
galleys  and  sixty-six  galleots,  and  carried  twenty-five 
thousand  men.  Constantinople  furnished  ninety-five 
galleys  ;  twenty-one  came  from  Alexandria,  twenty- 
five  from  Anatolia,  ten  from  Rhodes,  ten  from  Mity- 
lene,  nine  from  Syria,  twelve  from  Napoli  di  Romania, 
thirteen  from  the  Negropont,  and  eleven  from  Algiers 
and  Tripoli.  The  galleots  were  chiefly  Barbary  vessels, 
more  useful  for  piracy  than  a  set  battle. 

The  two  fleets  unexpectedly  came  in  sight  of  each 
other  at  seven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  October 
7th,  at  a  point  just  south  of  the  Echinades, 
and  between  Ithaca  and  the  Gulf  of  Patras  or 
Lepanto.  A  white  sail  or  two  on  the  horizon  was 
descried  by  Don  John's  look-out  on  the  maintop ; 
then  sail  after  sail  rose  above  the  sea-line,  and  the 


174 


LEPANTO. 


enemy  came  into  full  view.  Don  John  quickly  ran 
up  a  white  flag,  the  signal  of  battle,  and  immediately 
the  whole  fleet  was  busily  engaged  in  clewing  up  the 
sails  to  the  yards,  and  making  all  snug  for  the  con- 
flict. The  central  banks  were  removed  to  make 
room  for  the  soldiers,  and  the  slaves  were  served  with 
meat  and  wine.  Old  seamen,  who  had  met  the  Turks 
again  and  again  from  their  youth  up,  prepared  grimly 
for  revenge  ;  sanguine  boys,  who  held  arms  in  set 
fight  for  the  first  time  that  day,  looked  forward 
eagerly  to  the  moment  of  action.  Even  to  the  last 
the  incurable  vacillation  of  the  allied  admirals  was 
felt :  they  suggested  a  council  of  war.  Don  John's 
reply  was  worthy  of  him  :  "  The  time  for  councils  is 
past,"  he  said  ;  "  do  not  trouble  yourselves  about  aught 
but  fighting."  Then  he  entered  his  gig,  and  went 
from  galley  to  galley,  passing  under  each  stern, 
crucifix  in  hand,  encouraging  the  men.  His  calm  and 
confident  mien,  and  the  charm  of  his  address,  excited 
universal  enthusiasm,  and  he  was  met  on  all  hands 
with  the  response  :  "  Ready,  Sir  ;  and  the  sooner  the 
better  ! "  Then  Don  John  unfurled  the  Blessed 
Standard  with  the  figure  of  the  Saviour,  and  falling 
on  his  knees  commended  his  cause  to  God. 

About  eleven  o'clock  a  dead  calm  set  in.  The 
Turks  shortened  sail  and  took  to  their  oars  :  in  perfect 
order  and  with  matchless  speed  and  precision  they 
formed  in  line  of  battle,  while  drums  and  fifes  an- 
nounced their  high  spirits.  The  Christian  fleet  was 
slower  in  falling  into  line  ;  some  of  the  galleys  and 
most  of  the  galleasses  were  behindhand.  Don  John 
let  drop  some  pious  oaths,  and  sent  swift  vessels 


THE  BATTLE. 


175 


to  hurry  them  up.  At  last  they  began  to  get  into 
order.  Barbarigo,  the  "  left  guide,"  hugged  the  coast 
with  the  left  wing  ;  Don  John  with  the  centre  corps 
de  battaille  kept  touch  with  him  ;  but  where  was  the 
"  right  guide  "  ?  Giovanni  Doria,  infected  with  the 
tactical  vanity  of  his  family,  resolved  to  show  these 
landsmen  how  a  sailor  can  manoeuvre.  Conceiving 
that  Ochiali,  on  the  Ottoman  left,  was  trying  to  out- 
flank the  Christian  fleet,  he  bore  out  to  sea  in  order 
to  turn  him.  In  vain  Don  John  sent  to  recall  him  ; 
he  had  gone  out  of  reach,  and  the  battle  had  to  be 
fought  without  the  right  wing.  Doria's  precious 
manoeuvring  went  near  to  losing  the  day. 

The  Ottoman  fleet  was  marshalled  in  the  same 
order  as  the  Christian,  except  that  there  were  no 
galleasses.  The  line  of  battle,  nearly  a  mile  long,  was 
divided  into  centre,  and  right  and  left  wing,  and 
behind  the  centre  was  the  reserve.  Mohammed 
Shaluk  (called  by  Europeans  Scirocco)  commanded 
the  right  wing,  opposed  to  Barbarigo's  left  ;  'Ali 
Pasha  opposed  Don  John  in  the  centre  ;  Ochiali  was 
over  against  the  post  where  Doria  should  have  been. 
Between  the  two  lines  stood  forth  the  heavy 
galleasses,  like  great  breakwaters,  turning  aside  and 
dividing  the  flowing  rush  of  the  Ottoman  galleys. 
The  fire  of  these  huge  floating  castles  nearly  caused 
a  panic  among  the  Turks,  but  they  soon  pulled  past 
them,  and  a  general  melley  ensued.  In  the  Christian 
left,  after  a  deadly  struggle,  in  which  both  Barbarigo 
and  Scirocco  lost  their  lives,  the  Turks  were  repulsed, 
and,  deprived  of  their  chief,  took  to  the  shore,  but  not 
before  the  Christians  had  lost  many  galleys  and  a 


176 


LEPAXTO. 


host  of  brave  men.  Soon  after  the  left  had  been 
engaged,  the  centre  came  into  action.  'Ali  Pasha 
made  straight  for  Don  John's  Reale,  and  his  beak 
rammed  it  as  far  in  as  the  fourth  bank  of  oars. 
Close  by  were  Pertev  Pasha  and  the  capitanas  of 
Colonna  and  Veniero.  The  ships  became  entangled, 
and  formed  one  large  platform  of  war.  Twice  the 
Spaniards  of  the  Reale  boarded  the  Fanal  of  'Ali 
Pasha  as  far  as  the  mainmast,  and  twice  they  were 
driven  back  with  terrible  loss.  'Ali  himself  was 
preparing  to  leap  upon  Don  John's  galley  when 
Colonna  rammed  him  on  the  poop,  penetrating  as 
far  as  the  third  oar,  and  delivered  a  withering  fire 
from  his  arquebuses.  The  Christians  had  all  the 
advantage  of  armour  and  firearms,  and  fired  behind 
bulwarks  ;  the  Turks  were  unprotected  by  cuirass  or 
helmet  or  bulwark,  and  most  of  them  had  bows 
instead  of  guns.  Colonna's  volleys  decided  the  fate 
of  the  Fanal,  and  Ali  Pasha  departed  this  life.  An 
hour  and  a  half  had  sufficed  to  disperse  the  Ottoman 
right  and  to  overpower  the  flagship  in  chief.  When 
the  fleet  saw  the  Christian  ensign  at  the  peak  of  the 
Turkish  capitana  they  redoubled  their  efforts  :  Veniero, 
severely  wounded,  still  fought  with  the  Seraskier 
Pertev  Pasha  ;  the  Turks  fled,  and  Pertev  took  to  the 
land.  In  half  an  hour  more  Don  John's  centre  was 
completely  victorious.  Then  a  new  danger  arose : 
Ochiali,  seeing  that  Doria  was  well  away  to  sea, 
sharply  doubled  back  with  all  the  right  wing,  and 
bore  down  upon  the  exhausted  centre.  He  rushed 
upon  the  capitana  of  Malta,  and  massacred  every 
soul   on   board.     Dragut    is   avenged  !     Juan  de 


THE  VICTORY. 


177 


Cardona  hastened  to  the  rescue,  and  of  his  five 
hundred  soldiers  but  fifty  escaped  ;  on  the  Fiorenza 
seventeen  men  alone  remained  alive  ;  and  other 
terrible  losses  were  incurred  in  the  furious  encounter. 
Upon  this  the  ingenious  Doria  perceived  that  he  had 
outwitted  only  his  own  cause,  and  at  last  turned 
back.  The  Marquis  de  Santa  Cruz  was  already 
upon  the  enemy  ;  Don  John  was  after  him  with 
twenty  galleys  ;  Ochiali  was  outnumbered,  and  after 
a  brilliant  effort,  made  off  in  all  haste  for  Santa 
Maura,  bearing  with  him  the  Standard  of  "  the 
Religion  "  to  be  hung  up  in  St.  Sophia.  The  battle 
of  Lepanto  is  fought  and  won  :  the  Turks  have  been 
utterly  vanquished.1  Well  might  the  good  Pope  cry, 
as  the  preacher  cried  in  St.  Stephen's  a  century  later 
when  Sobieski  saved  Vienna,2  "  There  was  a  man  sent 
from  God,  whose  name  was  John." 

The  Turkish  fleet  was  almost  annihilate:  one 
hundred  and  ninety  galleys  were  captured,  besides 
galleots,  and  fifteen  more  burnt  or  sunk  ;  probably 
twenty  thousand  men  had  perished,  including  an 
appalling  list  of  high  dignitaries  from  all  parts  of 
the  empire.  The  Christians  lost  seven  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  including  many  of  the  most  illustrious 
houses  of  Italy  and  Spain.  Cervantes,  who  com- 
manded a  company  of  soldiers  on  board  the  Mar- 
quesa,  fortunately  escaped  with  a  wound  in  his  left  arm  ; 
and  to  many  the  Battle  of  Lepanto  is  familiar  only 
from  the  magical  pages  of  Don  Quixote.  Seventeen 


'  Read  the  admirable  and  graphic  description  of  the  battle  in  Turiex 
de  la  Graviere,  La  Guerre  de  Chypre  et  la  Baiaille  de  Lepante, 
ii.,  149-205.  2  See  the  Story  of  Turkey,  237. 


178 


LEPA.XTO. 


Venetian  commanders  were  dead,  and  among  them 
Vicenzo  Quirini  and  the  valiant,  chivalrous,  and 
venerable  Proveditore  Barbarigo.  Sixty  Knights  of 
the  diminished  Order  of  St.  John  had  given  up  the 
ghost.  Twelve  thousand  Christian  slaves  were 
freed  from  the  Ottoman  galleys. 

The  brilliant  young  conqueror  did  not  wear  his 
well-earned  laurels  long.  His  statue  was  erected  at 
Messina  ;  his  victory  was  the  subject  of  Tintoret  and 
Titian  ;  he  was  received  with  ovations  wherever  he 
went.  Two  years  later  he  recaptured  Tunis.  Then 
he  was  employed  in  the  melancholy  task  of  carrying 
on  Alva's  detestable  work  in  Flanders.  He  inflicted 
a  sanguinary  defeat  upon  the  Dutch  at  Gembloux, 
and  then,  struck  down  by  fever,  the  young  hero  died 
on  October  i,  1578,  in  his  thirty-first  year,  the  last 
of  the  great  figures  of  medieval  chivalry — a  knight 
worthy  to  have  been  commemorated  in  the  Charle- 
magne gestes  and  to  have  sat  at  Arthur's  Round 
Table  with  Sir  Galahad  himself. 


PART  II. 

THE   PETTY  PIRATES. 


XV. 


THE    GENERAL    OF    THE  GALLEYS. 

16th,  17th,  and  18th  Centuries. 

THE  age  of  the  great  Corsairs  may  be  said  to  have 
ended  with  the  battle  of  Lepanto,  which  sounded  the 
knell  of  the  naval  supremacy  of  the  Ottomans.  It 
is  true  that  they  seemed  to  have  lost  little  by  Don 
John's  famous  victory  ;  their  beard  was  shorn,  they 
admitted,  but  it  soon  grew  again  : — their  fleet  was 
speedily  repaired,  and  the  Venetians  sued  for  peace. 
But  they  had  lost  something  more  precious  to  them 
than  ships  or  men :  their  prestige  was  gone. 
The  powers  of  Christendom  no  longer  dreaded  to 
meet  the  invincible  Turk,  for  they  had  beaten  him 
once,  and  would  beat  him  again.  Rarely  after  this 
did  an  Ottoman  fleet  sail  proudly  to  work  its 
devastating  way  along  the  coasts  of  Italy.  Small 
raids  there  might  be,  but  seldom  a  great  adventure 
such  as  Barbarossa  or  Sinan  led.  Crete  might  be 
besieged  for  years  ;  but  the  Venetians,  pressed  by 
land,  nevertheless  shattered  the  Turkish  ships  off 
the  coast.  Damad  '  Ali  might  recover  the  Morea,  and 
victoriously  surround  the  shores  of  Greece  with  his 
hundred  sail  ;  but  he  would  not  venture  to  threaten 


182  THE  GENERAL  OF  THE  GALLEYS. 


Venice,  to  lay  siege  to  Nice,  to  harry  Naples,  or 
attack  Malta.  The  Turks  had  enough  to  do  to  hold 
their  own  in  the  Black  Sea  against  the  encroaching 
forces  of  Russia. 

Deprived  of  the  protection  which  the  prestige  of 
the  Turks  had  afforded,  the  Barbary  Corsairs 
degenerated  into  petty  pirates.  They  continued  to 
waylay  Christian  cargoes,  to  ravish  Christian  villages, 
and  carry  off  multitudes  of  captives  ;  but  their  depre- 
dations were  not  on  the  same  grand  scale,  they 
robbed  by  stealth,  and  never  invited  a  contest  with 
ships  of  war.  If  caught,  they  would  fight ;  but  their 
aim  was  plunder,  and  they  had  no  fancy  for  broken 
bones  gained  out  of  mere  ambition  of  conquest. 

Ochiali  was  the  last  of  the  great  Corsairs.  He  it 
was  who,  on  his  return  to  Constantinople  after  the 
fatal  October  7,  1 57 1 ,  cheered  the  Sultan  with  the 
promise  of  revenge,  was  made  Captain-Pasha,  and 
sailed  from  the  Bosphorus  the  following  year  with  a 
fleet  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  vessels,  just  as  though 
Lepanto  had  never  been  fought  and  lost.  He  sought 
for  the  Christian  fleets,  but  could  not  induce  them  to 
offer  battle.  His  operations  in  1574  were  limited  to 
the  recapture  of  Tunis,  which  Don  John  had  restored 
to  Spain  in  1573.  With  two  hundred  and  fifty 
galleys,  ten  tnahons  or  galleasses,  and  thirty  cara- 
muzels,  and  supported  by  the  Algerine  squadron 
under  Ahmed  Pasha,  Ochiali  laid  siege  to  the 
Goletta,  which  had  owned  a  Spanish  garrison  ever 
since  the  conquest  by  Charles  V.  in  1535.  Cervellon 
defended  the  fort  till  he  had  but  a  handful  of  men, 
and  finally  surrendered  at  discretion.    Then  Ochiali 


PASHAS  OF  ALGIERS. 


I85 


disappeared  from  the  western  seas  ;  he  fought  for  his 
master  in  the  Euxine  during  the  Persian  War,  and 
died  in  1580,  aged  seventy-two,  with  the  reputation 
of  the  most  powerful  admiral  that  had  ever  held 
sway  in  the  Golden  Horn. 

We  have  not  closely  followed  the  succession  of  the 
Pashas  or  Beglerbegs  of  Algiers,  because  more 
important  affairs  absorbed  the  whole  energies  of  the 
Turkish  galleys,  and  the  rulers  on  land  had  little  of 
consequence  to  do.  Ochiali  was  the  seventeenth 
pasha  of  Algiers,  but  of  his  predecessors,  after  the 
deaths  of  Uruj  and  Kheyr-ed-din  Barbarossa,  few 
attained  special  eminence.  Hasan  the  son  of  Barba- 
rossa took  part  in  the  siege  of  Malta,  Salih  Reis 
conquered  Fez  and  Bujeya  ;  but  the  rest  were  chiefly 
occupied  with  repressing  internal  dissensions,  fighting 
with  their  neighbours,  and  organizing  small  piratical 
expeditions.  After  Ochiali  had  been  called  to  Stam- 
bol  as  Captain-Pasha,  in  1572,  when  he  had  been 
Pasha  of  Algiers  for  four  years,  nine  governors 
succeeded  one  another  in  twenty-four  years.  At 
first  they  were  generally  renegades:  Ramadan  the 
Sardinian  (1574-7),  Hasan  the  Venetian  (1577-80 
and  1582-3),  Ja'far  the  Hungarian  (1580-2),  and 
Memi  the  Albanian  (1583-6),  followed  one  another, 
and  (with  the  exception  of  the  Venetian)  proved  to 
be  wise,  just,  and  clement  rulers.  Then  the  too 
usual  practice  was  adopted  of  allotting  the  province 
to  the  highest  bidder,  and  rich  but  incompetent  or 
rascally  Turks  bought  the  reversion  of  the  Pashalik. 
The  reign  of  the  renegades  was  over ;  the  Turks 
kept  the  government  in  their  own  hands,  and  the 


l86  THE  GENERAL  OF  THE  GALLEYS. 


rule  of  the  ex-Christian  adventurers  was  confined  to 
the  minor  but  more  enterprising  duties  of  a  Corsair 
re'fs  or  the  "  general  of  the  galleys."  The  Pashas, 
and  afterwards  the  Deys,  with  occasional  exceptions, 
gave  up  commanding  piratical  expeditions,  and  the 
interest  of  the  history  now  turns  upon  the  captains  of 
galleys. 

Piracy  without  and  bloodshed  and  anarchy  within 
form  the  staple  of  the  records.  Tunis,  Tripoli,  and 
Algiers  showed  very  similar  symptoms.  Tripoli  was 
the  least  powerful,  and  therefore  the  least  injurious  ; 
Algiers  dominated  the  Western  Mediterranean  and  to 
a  considerable  extent  the  Atlantic  ;  Tunis,  less  ven- 
turesome, but  still  formidable,  infested  the  Eastern 
Mediterranean,  and  made  the  passage  of  Malta  and 
the  Adriatic  its  special  hunting  grounds.  At  Tunis 
thirty  Deys,  appointed  by  the  Sublime  Porte,  suc- 
ceeded one  another  from  1590  to  1705 — giving  each 
an  average  reign  of  less  than  four  years.  Most  of 
them  were  deposed,  many  murdered,  and  one  is 
related  on  credible  authority  to  have  been  torn  to 
pieces  and  devoured  by  the  enraged  populace.  In 
1705  the  soldiery,  following  the  example  of  Algiers, 
elected  their  own  governor,  and  called  him  Bey  ;  and 
the  Porte  was  obliged  to  acquiesce.  Eleven  Beys 
followed  one  another,  up  to  the  French  "protectorate." 
The  external  history  of  these  three  centuries  is  made 
up  of  lawless  piracy  and  the  levying  of  blackmail 
from  most  of  the  trading  powers  of  Europe,  accom- 
panied by  acts  of  insufferable  insolence  towards  the 
foreign  representatives  ;  all  of  which  was  accepted 
submissively  by  kings  and  governments,  insomuch 


DEYS  OF  ALGIERS. 


that  William  III.  treated  a  flagrant  Corsair,  'AH 
Rei's,  who  had  become  Dey,  with  the  courtesy  due 
to  a  monarch,  and  signed  himself  his  "  loving  friend." 
The  earliest  English  treaty  with  Tunis  was  dated 
1662  ;  many  more  followed,  and  all  were  about 
equally  inefficacious.  Civil  anarchy,  quarrels  with 
France,  and  wars  with  Algiers,  generally  stopped 
"  by  order  "  of  the  helpless  Porte,  fill  up  the  details 
of  this  uninteresting  canvas. 

Precisely  the  same  picture  is  afforded  by  the 
modern  annals  of  Algiers.  Take  the  Deys  at  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Hasan 
Chawush  was  deposed  in  1700,  and  succeeded  by 
the  Aga  of  the  Sipahis,  Mustafa,  nicknamed 
Bogotillos  or  "  Whiskerandos,"  who,  though  some- 
thing of  a  coward,  engaged  in  two  successful  cam- 
paigns against  Tunis  and  one  with  Morocco,  until 
he  had  the  misfortune  to  find  the  bow-string  round 
his  throat  in  1706.  Uzeyn  Khdja  followed,  and 
Oran  fell  during  his  one  year's  reign,  after  which  he 
was  banished  to  the  mountains,  and  died.  Bektash 
Kh5ja,  the  next  Dey,  was  murdered  on  his  judgment- 
seat  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign.  A  fifth  Dey, 
Ibrahim  Deli,  or  "  the  Fool,"  made  himself  so  hated 
by  his  unconscionable  licentiousness  that  he  was 
assassinated,  and  his  mutilated  body  exposed  in  the 
street,  within  a  few  months,  and  Ali,  who  succeeded 
in  1  / 10,  by  murdering  some  three  thousand  Turks, 
contrived  to  reign  eight  years,  and  by  some  mistake 
died  in  his  bed. 

The  kingdom  of  Morocco  is  not  strictly  a  Barbary 
state,  and  its  history  does  not  belong  to  this  volume 


188  THE  GENERAL  OF  THE  GALLEYS. 


Nevertheless,  the  operations  of  the  Morocco  pirates 
outside  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  so  closely  resemble 
those  of  the  Algerine  Corsairs  within,  that  a  few 
words  about  them  will  not  be  out  of  place.  At  one 
time  Tetwan,  within  the  Straits,  in  spite  of  its 
exposed  haven,  was  a  famous  place  for  rovers,  but 
its  prosperity  was  destroyed  by  Philip  II.  in  1564. 
Ceuta  was  always  semi-European,  half  Genoese,  then 
Portuguese(  141 5),  and  finally  Spanish(i 570  to  thisday). 
Tangiers,  as  the  dowry  of  Charles  II. 's  Queen,  Cathe- 
rine of  Portugal,  was  for  some  time  English  territory. 
Spanish  forts  at  Penon  de  Velez  de  la  Gomera  and 
Alhucemas,  and  Portuguese  garrisons,  repressed  piracy 
in  their  vicinity  ;  and  in  later  times  Sale  was  perhaps 
the  only  port  in  Morocco  that  sent  forth  buccaneers. 
Reefs  of  rocks  and  drifts  of  sand  render  the  west 
coast  unsuitable  for  anchorage,  and  the  roads  are 
unsafe  when  the  wind  is  in  the  south-west.  Conse- 
quently the  piracy  of  Sale,  though  notorious  and 
dreaded  by  merchantmen,  was  on  a  small  scale  ; 
large  vessels  could  not  enter  the  harbour,  and  two- 
hundred-ton  ships  had  to  be  lightened  before  they 
could  pass  the  bar.  The  cruisers  of  Sale  were  there- 
fore built  very  light  and  small,  with  which  they  did 
not  dare  to  attack  considerable  and  well-armed  ships. 
Indeed,  Capt.  Delgarno  and  his  twenty-gun  frigate 
so  terrified  the  Sale  rovers,  that  they  never  ventured 
forth  while  he  was  about,  and  mothers  used  to  quiet 
naughty  children  by  saying  that  Delgarno  was 
coming  for  them,  just  as  Napoleon  and  "  Malbrouk  " 
were  used  as  bugbears  in  England  and  France. 
There  was  not  a  single  full-sized  galley  at  Sale  in 


SALE  ROVER 


igi 


1634,  and  accounts  a  hundred  years  later  agree  that 
the  Sale  rovers  had  but  insignificant  vessels,  and  very- 
few  of  them,  while  their  docks  were  practically  dis- 
used, in  spite  of  abundance  of  timber.  In  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  seems  to  have 
been  an  increase  in  the  depredations  of  the  Sale 
pirates,  which  probably  earned  them  their  exag- 
gerated reputation.  At  that  time  they  had  vessels 
of  thirty  and  thirty-six  guns,  but  unwieldy  and 
badly  built,  with  which  they  captured  Provencal 
ships  and  did  considerable  mischief,  till  the  Chevalier 
Acton  in  1773,  with  a  single  Tuscan  frigate,  destroyed 
three  out  of  their  five  ships.  About  1788  the  whole 
Morocco  navy  consisted  of  six  or  eight  frigates  of 
two  hundred  tons,  armed  with  fourteen  to  eighteen 
six-pounders,  and  some  galleys.  The  rovers  of  Sale 
formed  at  one  time  a  sort  of  republic  of  pirates, 
paying  the  emperor  a  tithe  of  prize-money  and 
slaves,  in  return  for  non-interference  ;  but  gradually 
the  Government  absorbed  most  of  the  profits,  and  the 
trade  declined,  till  the  emperors,  in  return  for  rich 
presents,  concluded  treaties  with  the  chief  maritime 
Powers,  and  to  a  large  extent  suppressed  piracy.1 
Turning  from  the  monotonous  records  of  internal 

'  See  John  Wwnus,  Journey  to  Mcqui&ez  (Lond.,  1735),  describing 
the  embassy  of  Commodore  Stewart  to  Morocco,  in  1 72 1,  when  two 
hundred  and  ninety-six  English  slaves  were  freed,  and  a  treaty  repudiat- 
ing piracy  and  the  right  of  search  was  concluded.  Capt.  Tohn 
Braithwaitf.'s  History  of  the  Revolutions  in  Morocco  (1729)  includes 
a  journal  of  events  and  ob-ervations  made  during  Mr.  Russell  s  mission 
in  1728.  Sale  is  described  at  pp.  343  ff.  See  also  Chenier,  Present 
State  of  the  Empire  of  Morocco  (Eng.  trans].,  1788).  Chenier  was 
French  Consul  from  1767  :  the  original  work  is  entitled  Recherches 
historiijues  sw  les  Maures. 


IQ2 


THE  GENERAL  OF  THE  GALLEYS. 


barbarism,  the  more  adventurous  side  of  Algerine 
history  claims  a  brief  notice.  Among  the  captains 
who  continued  to  make  the  name  of  Corsair  terrible 
to  Christian  ears,  Murad  Rei's  holds  the  foremost 
place  ;  indeed,  he  belongs  to  the  order  of  great 
Corsairs.  There  were  several  of  the  name,  and  this 
Murad  was  distinguished  as  the  Great  Murad.  He 
was  an  Arnaut  or  Albanian,  who  was  captured  by  an 
Algerine  pirate  at  the  age  of  twelve,  and  early 
showed  a  turn  for  adventure.  When  his  patron  was 
engaged  at  the  siege  of  Malta  in  1565,  young  Murad 
gave  him  the  slip,  and  went  on  a  private  cruise  of  his 
own,  in  which  he  contrived  to  split  his  galleot  upon  a 
rock.  Undeterred  by  this  misadventure,  as  soon  as 
he  got  back  to  Algiers  he  set  out  in  a  brigantine  of 
fifteen  banks,  and  speedily  brought  back  three 
Spanish  prizes  and  one  hundred  and  forty  Christians. 
He  was  with  Ochiali  when  that  eminent  rover  seized 
Saint-Clement's  galleys,  and  was  with  difficulty 
restrained  from  anticipating  his  admiral  in  boarding 
the  St.  Ann.  He  soon  gained  the  reputation 
of  a  Corsair  of  the  first  water,  and  "  a  person, 
who,  for  our  sins,  did  more  harm  to  the  Christians 
than  any  other."  In  1578,  while  cruising  about  the 
Calabrian  coast  with  eight  galleots  in  search  of  prey, 
he  sighted  the  Capitana  of  Sicily  and  a  consort,  with 
the  Duke  of  Tierra  Nuova  and  his  retinue  on  board. 
After  a  hot  pursuit  the  consort  was  caught  at  sea  ; 
the  flagship  ran  on  shore ;  the  Duke  and  all  the 
ship's  company  deserted  her ;  and  the  beautiful  vessel 
was  safely  brought  into  Algiers  harbour.  In  1585 
Murad  ventured  out  into  the  Atlantic  out  of  sight 


MURAD  REIS. 


193 


of  land,  which  no  Algerine  had  ever  dared  to  do 
before,  and  picking  up  a  reinforcement  of  small 
brigantines  at  Sale,  descended  at  daybreak  upon 
Lanzarote,  one  of  the  Canary  Islands,  sacked  the 
town  without  opposition,  and  carried  off  the  governor's 
family  and  three  hundred  captives.  This  done,  he 
unblushingly  ran  up  a  flag  of  truce,  and  permitted 
the  Count  and  the  chief  families  to  come  on  board 
and  buy  back  their  relations.  In  1589,  after  picking 
up  a  stray  trader  or  two,  he  fell  in  with  La  Serena, 
a  galley  of  Malta,  which  had  a  Turkish  prize  in  tow. 
Far  from  shirking  a  conflict  with  so  formidable  an 
antagonist,  Murad  gave  hot  pursuit  with  his  single 
galleot,  and  coming  up  with  the  Serena,  boarded  and 
mastered  her  in  half  an  hour.  Then,  after  stopping 
to  arrest  the  misdoings  of  a  Majorcan  pirate,  who  was. 
poaching  on  his  own  private  manor,  the  Corsair 
carried  his  prizes  into  Algiers,  where  he  was  honour- 
ably mounted  on  the  Pasha's  own  horse  and  escorted 
in  triumph  to  the  Palace  by  a  guard  of  Janissaries. 
In  1594,  when  he  had  attained  the  dignity  of 
"  General  of  the  Algerine  Galleys,"  Murad,  with  four 
galleots,  encountered  two  Tuscan  galleys  off  Tripoli  ; 
lowering  the  masts  of  two  of  his  galleots,  so  that 
they  should  escape  observation,  he  towed  them 
behind  the  other  two,  and  when  the  Tuscans  had 
drawn  near  in  full  expectation  of  a  couple  of  prizes, 
he  loosed  the  vessels  astern,  and  with  all  four  bore 
down  upon  the  enemy  ;  both  galleys  were  taken,  and 
the  Florentine  knights  and  soldiers  were  chained  to  the 
oars  in  place  of  the  Turks  who  had  lately  sat  there.1 
1  Morgan,  557-9,  588,  597,  607. 


194 


THE  GENERAL  OF  THE  GALLEYS. 


No  more  typical  example  of  the  later  sort  of  pirate 
can  be  cited  than  'Ali  Pichinin,  General  of  the  Galleys 
and  galleons  of  Algiers  in  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  This  notable  slaver,  without  Barba- 
rossa's  ambition  or  nobility,  possessed  much  of  his 
daring  and  seamanship.  In  1638,  emboldened  by 
the  successes  of  the  Sultan  Murad  IV.  against  the 
Persians,  'Ali  put  to  sea,  and,  picking  up  some 
Tunisian  galleys  at  Bizerta,  set  sail  with  a  squadron 
of  sixteen  for  the  east  coast  of  Italy.  He  sacked 
the  district  of  Nicotra  in  Apulia,  carrying  off  great 
spoils  and  many  captives,  not  sparing  even  nuns  ; 
and  then  scoured  the  Adriatic,  took  a  ship  in  sight 
of  Cattaro,  and  picked  up  every  stray  vessel  that 
could  be  found. 

Upon  this  a  strong  Venetian  squadron,  under 
Marino  Capello,  sallied  forth,  and  compelled  the 
Corsairs  to  seek  shelter  under  the  guns  of  the 
Turkish  fortress  of  Valona  in  Albania.  In  spite  of 
the  peace  then  subsisting  between  Venice  and  the 
Porte,  Capello  attacked,  and  the  fortress  naturally 
defended,  the  refugees.  The  Corsairs  were  obliged 
to  land,  and  then  Capello,  carried  away  by  his  zeal, 
and  in  contravention  of  his  orders,  sent  in  his  galleots 
and,  after  a  sharp  struggle,  towed  away  the  whole 
Barbary  squadron,  leaving  'Ali  and  his  unlucky 
followers  amazed  upon  the  beach.  For  this  bold 
stroke  Capello  was  severely  reprimanded  by  the 
Senate,  and  the  Porte  was  consoled  for  the  breach  of 
treaty  by  a  douceur  of  five  hundred  thousand  ducats  : 
but  meanwhile  the  better  part  of  the  Algerine  galley- 
fleet  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  owners  and  captains 


'ali  pichinin. 


195 


were  bankrupt.  It  was  small  consolation  that  in  the 
same  summer  an  expedition  to  the  north,  piloted  by 
a  renegade  from  Iceland,  brought  back  eight  hundred 
of  his  unfortunate  countrymen  to  exchange  the  cold 
of  their  native  land  for  the  bagnios  of  Algiers. 

In  1 64 1,  however,  the  Corsairs  had  recovered  from 
their  losses,  and  'Ali  Pichinin  could  boast  a  fleet  of  at 
least  sixty-five  vessels,  as  we  have  it  on  the  authority 
of  Emanuel  d'Aranda,  who  was  his  slave  at  the  time. 
The  wealth  and  power  of  the  General  of  the  Galleys 
were  then  at  their  zenith.  Six  hundred  slaves  were 
nightly  locked  up  in  his  prison,  which  afterwards 
was  known  as  the  Khan  of  'Ali  Pichinin,  and  in 
Morgan's  time  was  noted  for  its  grape  vines,  which 
covered  the  walls  and  fringed  the  windows  with  the 
luscious  fruit  up  to  the  top  storey.  The  son  of  a 
renegade  himself,  he  liked  not  that  his  followers 
should  turn  Turk  upon  his  hands  ;  which  "was  but 
picking  his  pocket  of  so  much  money  to  give  a 
disciple  to  Mohammed,  for  whom  he  was  remarked  to 
have  no  extraordinary  veneration.  He  had  actually 
cudgelled  a  Frenchmen  out  of  the  name  of  Mustafa 
(which  he  had  assumed  with  a  Turkish  dress)  into 
that  of  John,  which  he  would  fain  have  renounced. 
His  farms  and  garden-houses  were  also  under  the 
directions  of  his  own  Christians.  I  have  heard  much 
discourse  of  an  entertainment  he  once  made,  at  his 
garden,  for  all  the  chief  Armadores  and  Corsairs,  at 
which  the  Pasha  was  also  a  guest,  but  found  his  own 
victuals,  as  fearing  some  foul  play  ;  nothing  of  which 
is  ill  taken  among  the  Turks.  All  was  dressed  at 
town  in  the  general's  own  kitchen,  and  passed  along 


196 


THE  GENERAL  OE  THE  GALLEYS. 


from  hand  to  hand  by  his  slaves  up  to  the  garden- 
house,  above  two  miles'  distant,  where  as  much  of  the 
victuals  as  got  safe  thither  arrived  smoking  hot,  as 
they  tell  the  story."1    A  good  part,  however,  dis- 
appeared on  the  road,  since,  in  Corsair's  phrase,  "  the 
Christian  slaves  wore  hooks  on  their  fingers,"  and 
the  guests  went  nigh  to  be  starved.    'Ali's  plan  for 
feeding  his  slaves  was  characteristic.    He  gave  them 
no  loaves  as  others  did,  but  told  them  they  were 
indeed  a  sorry  set  of  scoundrels,  unworthy  of  the 
name  of  slaves,  if,  during  the  two  or  three  hours  of 
liberty  they  enjoyed  before  sunset,  they  could  not 
find  enough  to  keep  them  for  a  day.    His  bagnios 
used  to  be  regular  auction-rooms  for  stolen  goods, 
and  were  besieged  by  indignant  victims,  who  were 
reproached  for  their  carelessness,  and  made  to  re- 
purchase their  own  valuables  :  in  fine,  AH  Pichinin 
"  has  the  honour  of  having  trained  up  the  cleanest 
set  of  thieves  that  were  anywhere  to  be  met  with." 
Once  a  slave  found  a  costly  ring  of  the  general's,  and 
restored  to  him  without  price :  for  which  "  unseason- 
able piece  of  honesty  "  ' Ali  gave  him  half  a  ducat, 
and  called  him  a  fool  for  his  pains  ;  the  ring  was 
worth  his  ransom.    Another  time,  a  slave  bargained 
to  sell  to  an  ironmaster  the  general's  anchor  from  out 
of  his  own  galley  :  when  discovered,  he  was  com- 
mended for  his  enterprising  spirit,  and  told  he  was 
fit  to  be  a  slave,  since  he  knew  how  to  gain  his  living. 
This  slave-dealer  had  a  genius  for  wheedling  the  truth 
out  of  captives  ;  he  was  so  civil  and  sympathizing 
when  a  new  prize  was  caught,  so  ready  with  his 
1  Morgan,  674. 


'ali  pichinin. 


igg 


"  Count  "  and  "  my  lord  "  to  plain  gentlemen,  and  his 
"  your  Eminence "  to  simple  clergymen,  that  they 
soon  confided  in  him,  revealed  their  rank,  and  had 
their  ransom  fixed  :  but,  to  do  him  justice,  he  kept 
his  word,  and  once  promised  the  release  was  certain  : 
"  My  word  is  my  word,"  he  would  say. 

He  was  a  man  of  very  free  views  in  religion.  Once 
he  asked  a  Genoese  priest  to  tell  him  candidly  what 
would  become  of  him  ;  "  frankly,"  said  Father  Angelo, 
"  I  am  persuaded  that  the  devil  will  have  you  ; " 
and  the  response  was  cheerfully  accepted.  Another 
time  it  was  a  devout  Moslem  sheykh  who  begged 
'Ali  to  give  him  a  Christian  slave  to  kill,  as  he  did 
not  feel  that  he  had  offered  any  sufficiently  pleasing 
sacrifice  to  the  prophet  Mohammed.  Ali  unchained 
the  stroke-oar  of  his  galley,  a  muscular  Spaniard,  and 
armed  him  at  all  points,  and  sent  him  to  be  killed  by 
the  holy  man.  "This  Christian,"  shrieked  the  good 
sheykh,  running  as  hard  as  he  could,  "looks  as  if  he 
rather  wanted  to  kill  me  than  to  be  killed  himself." 
"  So  is  it,"  said  Ali,  "  that  you  are  to  merit  the 
prophet's  favour.  Thus  it  is  that  Christians  are  to 
be  sacrificed.  Mohammed  was  a  brave,  generous 
man,  and  never  thought  it  any  service  done  him  to 
slaughter  those  who  were  not  able  to  defend  them- 
selves. Go  ;  get  yourself  better  instructed  in  the 
meaning  of  the  Koran."  He  was  a  thorough  Corsair, 
with  the  rough  code  of  honour,  as  well  as  the  un- 
principled rascality  of  the  sea-rover. 


XVI. 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 

16th  Century. 

"  The  Corsairs,"  says  Haedo,  "  are  ihose  who  sup- 
port themselves  by  continual  sea-robberies ;  and, 
admitting  that  among  their  numbers  some  of  them 
are  natural  Turks,  Moors,  &c,  yet  the  main  body  of 
them  are  renegadoes  from  every  part  of  Christendom  ; 
all  who  are  extremely  well  acquainted  with  the 
Christian  coasts."  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  the 
majority  of  these  plunderers  of  Christians  were  them- 
selves born  in  the  Faith.  In  the  long  list  of  Algerine 
viceroys,  we  meet  with  many  a  European.  Barba- 
rossa  himself  was  born  in  Lesbos,  probably  of  a 
Greek  mother.  His  successor  was  a  Sardinian  ;  soon 
afterwards  a  Corsican  became  pasha  of  Algiers,  then 
another  Sardinian  ;  Ochiali  was  a  Calabrian  ;  Rama- 
dan came  from  Sardinia,  and  was  succeeded  by  a 
Venetian,  who  in  turn  gave  place  to  a  Hungarian, 
who  made  room  for  an  Albanian.  In  1588  the  thirty- 
five  galleys  or  galleots  of  Algiers  were  commanded 
by  eleven  Turks  and  twenty-four  renegades,  in- 
cluding nations  of   France,  Venice,  Genoa,  Sicily, 


BARBARY  GALLEYS. 


301 


Naples,  Spain,  Greece,  Calabria,  Corsica,  Albania,  and 
Hungary,  and  a  Jew.  In  short,  up  to  nearly  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century  (but  much  more  rarely 
afterwards)  the  chiefs  of  the  Corsairs  and  the 
governors  were  commonly  drawn  from  Christian 
lands.  Some  of  them  volunteered — and  to  the  out- 
laws of  Europe  the  command  of  a  Barbary  galley  was  [ 
perhaps  the  only  congenial  resort ; — but  most  of  them 
were  captives  seized  as  children,  and  torn  from  their 
homes  in  some  of  the  Corsairs'  annual  raids  upon 
Corsica  and  Sardinia  and  the  Italian  or  Dalmatian 
coasts.  Most  of  such  prisoners  were  condemned  to 
menial  and  other  labour,  unless  ransomed ;  but  the 
bolder  and  handsomer  boys  were  often  picked  out  by 
the  penetrating  eye  of  the  rei's,  and  once  chosen  the 
young  captive's  career  was  established. 

"  While  the  Christians  with  their  galleys  are  at 
repose,  sounding  their  trumpets  in  the  harbours,  and 
very  much  at  their  ease  regaling  themselves,  passing 
the  day  and  night  in  banqueting,  cards,  and  dice,  the 
Corsairs  at  pleasure  are  traversing  the  east  and  west 
seas,  without  the  least  fear  or  apprehension,  as  free 
and  absolute  sovereigns  thereof.  Nay,  they  roam 
them  up  and  down  no  otherwise  than  do  such  as  go 
in  chase  of  hares  for  their  diversion.  They  here  snap 
up  a  ship  laden  with  gold  and  silver  from  India,  and 
there  another  richly  fraught  from  Flanders  ;  now  they 
make  prize  of  a  vessel  from  England,  then  of  another 
from  Portugal.  Here  they  board  and  lead  away  one 
from  Venice,  then  one  from  Sicily,  and  a  little  further 
on  they  swoop  down  upon  others  from  Naples, 
Livorno,  or  Genoa,  all  of  them  abundantly  crammed 


202 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


with  great  and  wonderful  riches.  And  at  other  times 
carrying  with  them  as  guides  renegadoes  (of  which 
there  are  in  Algiers  vast  numbers  of  all  Christian 
nations,  nay,  the  generality  of  the  Corsairs  are  no 
other  than  renegadoes,  and  all  of  them  exceedingly 
well  acquainted  with  the  coasts  of  Christendom,  and 
even  within  the  land),  they  very  deliberately,  even  at 
noon-day,  or  indeed  just  when  they  please,  leap 
ashore,  and  walk  on  without  the  least  dread,  and 
advance  into  the  country,  ten,  twelve,  or  fifteen 
leagues  or  more  ;  and  the  poor  Christians,  thinking 
themselves  secure,  are  surprised  unawares  ;  many 
towns,  villages,  and  farms  sacked ;  and  infinite  num- 
bers of  souls,  men,  women,  children,  and  infants  at 
the  breast,  dragged  away  into  a  wretched  captivity. 
With  these  miserable  ruined  people,  loaded  with  their 
own  valuable  substance,  they  retreat  leisurely,  with 
eyes  full  of  laughter  and  content,  to  their  vessels. 
In  this  manner,  as  is  too  well  known,  they  have 
utterly  ruined  and  destroyed  Sardinia,  Corsica,  Sicily, 
Calabria,  the  neighbourhoods  of  Naples,  Rome,  and 
Genoa,  all  the  Balearic  islands,  and  the  whole  coast  of 
Spain  :  in  which  last  more  particularly  they  feast  it 
as  they  think  fit,  on  account  of  the  Moriscos  who 
inhabit  there  ;  who  being  all  more  zealous  Moham- 
medans than  are  the  very  Moors  born  in  Barbary, 
they  receive  and  caress  the  Corsairs,  and  give  them 
notice  of  whatever  they  desire  to  be  informed  of. 
Insomuch  that  before  these  Corsairs  have  been  absent 
from  their  abodes  much  longer  than  perhaps  twenty 
or  thirty  days,  they  return  home  rich,  with  their 
vessels  crowded  with  captives,  and  ready  to  sink  with 


CLASSES  OF  GALLEYS.  205 

wealth  ;  in  one  instant,  and  with  scarce  any  trouble, 
reaping  the  fruits  of  all  that  the  avaricious  Mexican 
and  greedy  Peruvian  have  been  digging  from  the 
bowels  of  the  earth  with  such  toil  and  sweat,  and  the 
thirsty  merchant  with  such  manifest  perils  has  for  so 
long  been  scraping  together,  and  has  been  so  many 
thousand  leagues  to  fetch  away,  either  from  the  east 
or  west,  with  inexpressible  danger  and  fatigue.  Thus 
they  have  crammed  most  of  the  houses,  the  maga- 
zines, and  all  the  shops  of  this  Den  of  Thieves  with 
gold,  silver,  pearls,  amber,  spices,  drugs,  silks,  cloths, 
velvets,  &c,  whereby  they  have  rendered  this  city  the 
most  opulent  in  the  world  :  insomuch  that  the  Turks 
call  it,  not  without  reason,  their  India,  their  Mexico, 
their  Peru."  1 

One  has  some  trouble  in  realizing  the  sort  of  navi- 
gation employed  by  Corsairs.  We  must  disabuse  our 
minds  of  all  ideas  of  tall  masts  straining  under  a 
weight  of  canvas,  sail  above  sail.  The  Corsairs' 
vessels  were  long  narrow  row-boats,  carrying  indeed 
a  sail  or  two,  but  depending  for  safety  and  movement 
mainly  upon  the  oars.  The  boats  were  called  galleys, 
galleots,  brigantines  (" galeotas  ligeras  0  vergdtines" 
or  frigatas),  &c,  according  to  their  size  :  a  galleot  is  a 
small  galley,  while  a  brigantine  may  be  called  a  quarter 
galley.  The  number  of  men  to  each  oar  varies,  too, 
according  to  the  vessel's  size :  a  galley  may  have  as 
many  as  four  to  six  men  working  side  by  side  to  each 
oar,  a  galleot  but  two  or  three,  and  a  brigantine  one ; 
but  in  so  small  a  craft  as  the  last  each  man  must 
be  a  fighter  as  well  as  an  oarsmen,  whereas  the 

1  Haedo,  quoted  by  Morgan,  593-4. 


206 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


larger  vessels  of  the  Corsairs  were  rowed  entirely  by 
Christian  slaves. 

The  galley  is  the  type  of  all  these  vessels,  and 
those  who  are  curious  about  the  minutest  details  of 
building  and  equipping  galleys  need  only  consult 
Master  Joseph  Furttenbach's  Architectura  Navalis  : 
Das  ist,  Von  dem  Schiff-Gebaw,  auf  dem  Meer  mid 
Seekusten  zu  gebrauchen"  printed  in  the  town  of  Ulm, 
in  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  by  Jonam  Saurn,  in  1629. 
Any  one  could  construct  a  galley  from  the  numerous 
plans  and  elevations  and  sections  and  finished  views 
(some  of  which  are  here  reproduced)  in  this  interest- 
ing and  precise  work.1  Furttenbach  is  an  enthu- 
siastic admirer  of  a  ship's  beauties,  and  he  had  seen 
all  varieties  ;  for  his  trade  took  him  to  Venice,  where 
he  had  a  galleasse,2  and  he  had  doubtless  viewed  many 

1  Hardly  less  valuable  is  Adm.  Jurien  de  la  Graviere's  Les 
Demiers  Jours  de  la  Marine  a  Rames  (Paris,  1885).  It  contains  an 
admirable  account  of  the  French  galley  system,  the  mode  of  recruiting, 
discipline,  and  general  management  ;  a  description  of  the  different 
classes  of  vessels,  and  their  manner  of  navigation  ;  while  a  learned 
Appendix  of  over  one  hundred  pages  describes  the  details  of  galley- 
building,  finishing,  fitting,  and  rigging,  and  everything  that  the  student 
need  wish  to  learn.  The  chapters  (ix.  and  x.)  on  Navigation  ii  la  rame 
and  Navigation  a  la  voile,  are  particularly  worth  reading  by  those  who 
would  understand  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  century  seamanship. 

2  A  galleasse  was  originally  a  large  heavy  galley,  three-masted,  and 
fitted  with  a  rudder,  since  its  bulk  compelled  it  to  trust  to  ^ails  as  well  as 
oars.  It  was  a  sort  of  transition-ship,  between  the  galley  and  the  galleon, 
and  as  time  went  on  it  became  more  and  more  of  a  sailing  ship.  It  had 
high  bulwarks,  with  loopholes  for  muskets,  and  there  was  at  least  a 
partial  cover  for  the  crew.  The  Portuguese  galleys  in  the  Spanish 
Armada  mounted  each  no  soldiers  and  222  galley-slaves;  but  ihe 
Neapolitan  galleasses  carried  700  men,  of  whom  130  were  sailors,  270 
soldiers,  and  300  slaves  of  the  oar.  Jurien  de  la  Graviere,  Les 
Derniers  Jours  de  la  Marine  a  Rames,  65-7. 


A  MALTESE  GALLEY. 


213 


a  Corsair  fleet,  since  he  could  remember  the  battle  of 
Lepanto  and  the  death  of  Ochiali.  His  zeal  runs 
clean  away  with  him  when  he  describes  a  stolo,  or 
great  flagship  {capitanea  galea)  of  Malta  in  her  pomp 
and  dignity  and  lordliness,  as  she  rides  the  seas  to 
the  rhythmical  beat  of  her  many  oars,  or  "  easies  " 
with  every  blade  suspended  motionless  above  the  waves 
like  the  wings  of  a  poised  falcon.  A  galley  such  as 
this  is  "a  princely,  nay,  a  royal  and  imperial  vassello 
di  remo,"  and  much  the  most  suitable,  he  adds,  for  the 
uses  of  peace  and  of  war  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
A  galley  maybe  180  or  190  spans  long — Furttenbach 
measures  a  ship  by  palmi,  which  varied  from  nine  to. 
ten  inches  in  different  places  in  Italy, — say  150  feet, 
the  length  of  an  old  seventy-four  frigate,  but  with 
hardly  a  fifth  of  its  cubit  contents — and  its  greatest 
beam  is  25  spans  broad.  The  one  engraved  on  p. 
37  is  evidently  an  admiral's  galley  of  the  Knights  of 
Malta.  She  carries  two  masts — the  albero  maestro  or 
mainmast,  and  the  trinchetto,  or  foremast,  each  with  a 
great  lateen  sail.  The  Genoese  and  Venetians  set  the 
models  of  these  vessels,  and  the  Italian  terms  were 
generally  used  in  all  European  navigation  till  the 
northern  nations  took  the  lead  in  sailing  ships. 
These  sails  are  often  clewed  up,  however,  for  the 
mariner  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  ill-practised  in 
the  art  of  tacking,  and  very  fearful  of  losing  sight  of 
land  for  long,  so  that  unless  he  had  a  wind  fair  astern 
he  preferred  to  trust  to  his  oars.  A  short  deck  at  the 
prow  and  poop  serve,  the  one  to  carry  the  fighting- 
men  and  trumpeters  and  yardsmen,  and  to  provide 
cover  for  the  four  guns,  the  other  to  accommodate  the 


214 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


knights  and  gentlemen,  and  especially  the  admiral 
or  captain,  who  sits  at  the  stern  under  a  red  damask 
canopy  embroidered  with  gold,  surveying  the  crew, 
surrounded  by  the  chivalry  of  "  the  Religion,"  whose 
white  cross  waves  on  the  taffety  standard  over  their 
head,  and  shines  upon  various  pennants  and  burgees 
aloft.  Behind,  overlooking  the  roof  of  the  poop, 
stands  the  pilot  who  steers  the  ship  by  the  tiller  in 
his  hand. 

Between  the  two  decks,,  in  the  ship's  waist,  is  the 
propelling  power  :  fifty-four  benches  or  banks,  twenty- 
seven  a  side,  support  each  four  or  five  slaves,  whose 
whole  business  in  life  is  to  tug  at  the  fifty-four  oars. 
This  flagship  is  a  Christian  vessel,  so  the  rowers  are 
either  Turkish  and  Moorish  captives,  or  Christian 
convicts.  If  it  were  a  Corsair,  the  rowers  would  all 
be  Christian  prisoners.  In  earlier  days  the  galleys 
were  rowed  by  freemen,  and  so  late  as  1 500  the  Moors 
of  Algiers  pulled  their  own  brigantines  to  the  attack 
of  Spanish  villages,  but  their  boats  were  light,  and  a 
single  man  could  pull  the  oar.  Two  or  three  were 
needed  for  a  galleot,  and  as  many  sometimes  as  six 
for  each  oar  of  a  large  galley.  It  was  impossible  to 
induce  freemen  to  toil  at  the  oar,  sweating  close 
together,  for  hour  after  hour  — not  sitting,  but  leaping 
on  the  bench,  in  order  to  throw  their  whole  weight  on 
the  oar.  "Think  of  six  men  chained  to  a  bench, 
naked  as  when  they  were  born,  one  foot  on  the 
stretcher,  the  other  on  the  bench  in  front,  holding  an 
immensely  heavy  oar  [fifteen  feet  long],  bending  for- 
wards to  the  stern  with  arms  at  full  reach  to  clear  the 
backs  of  the  rowers  in  front,  who  bend  likewise  ;  and 


THE  ROWERS. 


215 


then  having  got  forward,  shoving  up  the  oar's  end  to 
let  the  blade  catch  the  water,  then  throwing  their 
bodies  back  on  to  the  groaning  bench.  A  galley  oar 
sometimes  pulls  thus  for  ten,  twelve,  or  even  twenty 
hours  without  a  moment's  rest.  The  boatswain,  or 
other  sailor,  in  such  a  stress,  puts  a  piece  of  bread 
steeped  in  wine  in  the  wretched  rower's  mouth  to 
stop  fainting,  and  then  the  captain  shouts  the  order 
to  redouble  the  lash.  If  a  slave  falls  exhausted  upon 
his  oar  (which  often  chances)  he  is  flogged  till  he  is 
taken  for  dead,  and  then  pitched  unceremoniously  into 
the  sea."  1 

"  Those  who  have  not  seen  a  galley  at  sea, 
especially  in  chasing  or  being  chased,  cannot  well 
conceive  the  shock  such  a  spectacle  must  give  to  a 
heart  capable  of  the  least  tincture  of  commiseration. 
To  behold  ranks  and  files  of  half-naked,  half-starved, 
half-tanned  meagre  wretches,  chained  to  a  plank,  from 
whence  they  remove  not  for  months  together  (com- 
monly half  a  year),  urged  on,  even  beyond  human 
strength,  with  cruel  and  repeated  blows  on  their  bare 
flesh,  to  an  incessant  continuation  of  the  most  violent 
of  all  exercises  ;  and  this  for  whole  days  and  nights 
successively,  which  often  happens  in  a  furious  chase, 
when  one  party,  like  vultures,  is  hurried  on  almost  as 
eagerly  after  their  prey,  as  is  the  weaker  party  hurried 
away  in  hopes  of  preserving  life  and  liberty."  2 

Sometimes  a  galley-slave  worked  as  long  as  twenty 
years,  sometimes  for  all  his  miserable  life,  at  this 

1  So  says  Jean  Marteille  de  Rergerac,  a  galley-slave  about  1701, 
quoted  by  Adm.  JuRlEN  de  la  Graviere,  Derniers  Jours  de  la 
Marine  d  Rames,  13.  2  Morgan,  517. 


2l6 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


fearful  calling.  The  poor  creatures  were  chained  so 
close  together  in  their  narrow  bench — a  sharp  cut  was 
the  characteristic  of  the  galley — that  they  could  not 
sleep  at  full  length.  Sometimes  seven  men  (on  French 
galleys,  too,  in  the  last  century),  had  to  live  and  sleep 
in  a  space  ten  feet  by  four.  The  whole  ship  was  a 
sea  of  hopeless  faces.  And  between  the  two  lines  of 
rowers  ran  the  bridge,  and  on  it  stood  two  boatswains 
(comiti)  armed  with  long  whips,  which  they  laid  on  to 
the  bare  backs  of  the  rowers  with  merciless  severity. 
Furttenbach  gives  a  picture  of  the  two  boatswains 
in  grimly  humorous  verse :  how  they  stand, 

Beclad,  belaced,  betrimmed,  with  many  knots  bespick  ; 
Embroidered,  padded,  tied  ;  all  feathers  and  all  flap  ; 
Curly  and  queued,  equipped,  curious  of  hood  and  cap  : 

and  how  they  "ever  stolidly  smite"  the  crew  with  the 
bastinado, 

Or  give  them  a  backward  prod  in  the  naked  flesh  as  they  ply, 
With  the  point  that  pricks  like  a  goad,  when  "powder  and  shot"  is 
the  cry  ; 

in  order  to  send  the  Turks  to  Davy's  wet  locker : — 

As  John  of  Austria  nipped  them  and  riddled  them  with  ball, 

As  soon  as  his  eyes  fell  on  them,  and  ducked  or  slaughtered  them  all  ; 

and  how  the  boatswain's  dreaded  whistle  shrieked 
through  the  ship  :- 

For  they  hearken  to  such  a  blast  through  all  the  swish  and  sweat, 
Through  rattle  and  rumpus  and  raps,  and  the  kicks  and  cuffs  that  they 
get, 

Through  the  chatter  and  tread,  and  the  rudder's  wash,  and  the  dismal 
clank 

Of  the  shameful  chain  which  forever  binds  the  slave  to  the  bank. 


THE  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


217 


To  this  maybeadded  Captain  Pantero  Pantera's descrip- 
tion of  the  boatswain's  demeanour  :  "He  should  appear 
kindly  towards  the  crew  :  assist  it,  pet  it,  but  without 
undue  familiarity;  be,  in  short,  its  guardian  and  in 
some  sort  its  father,  remembering  that,  when  all's  said, 
'tis  human  flesh,  and  human  flesh  in  direst  misery." 

This  terrible  living  grave  of  a  galley,  let  us  re- 
member, is  depicted  from  Christian  models.  A  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  ago  such  scenes  might  be  witnessed 
on  many  a  European  vessel.  The  Corsairs  of  Algiers 
only  served  their  enemies  as  they  served  them  :  their 
galley  slaves  were  no  worse  treated,  to  say  the  least, 
than  were  Doria's  or  the  King  of  France's  own.  Rank 
and  delicate  nurture  were  respected  on  neither  side  : 
a  gallant  Corsair  like  Dragut  had  to  drag  his  chain 
and  pull  his  insatiable  oar  like  any  convict  at  the 
treadmill,  and  a  future  grand  master  of  Malta  might 
chance  to  take  his  seat  on  the  rowing  bench  beside 
commonest  scoundrel  of  Naples.  No  one  seemed  to 
observe  the  horrible  brutality  of  the  service,  where 
each  man,  let  him  be  never  so  refined,  was  compelled 
to  endure  the  filth  and  vermin  of  his  neighbour  who 
might  be  half  a  savage  and  was  bound  to  become 
wholly  one  ;  and  when  Madame  de  Grignan  wrote  an 
account  of  a  visit  to  a  galley,  her  friend  Madame  de 
Sevigne  replied  that  she  would  "much  like  to  see  this 
sort  of  Hell,"  and  the  men  "  groaning  day  and  night 
under  the  weight  of  their  chains."  Autres  temps,  antres 
moeurs ! 

Furttenbach  tells  us  much  more  about  the  galley  ; 
and  how  it  was  rigged  out  with  brilliant  cloths  on  the 
bulwarks  on  fete-days  ;  how  the  biscuit  was  made  to 


218 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


last  six  or  eight  months,  each  slave  getting  twenty- 
eight  ounces  thrice  a  week,  and  a  spoonful  of  some 
mess  of  rice  or  bones  or  green  stuff ;  of  the  trouble 
of  keeping  the  water-cans  under  the  benches  full  and 
fairly  fresh.  The  full  complement  of  a  large  galley 
included,  he  says,  besides  about  270  rowers,  and  the 
captain,  chaplain,  doctor,  scrivener,  boatswains,  and 
master,  or  pilot,  ten  or  fifteen  gentleman  adventurers, 
friends  of  the  captain,  sharing  his  mess,  and  berthed 
in  the  poop  ;  twelve  helmsmen  {timonieri),  six  foretop 
A.B's.,  ten  warders  for  the  captives,  twelve  ordinary 
seamen,  four  gunners,  a  carpenter,  smith,  cooper,  and  a 
couple  of  cooks,  together  with  fifty  or  sixty  soldiers  ; 
so  that  the  whole  equipage  of  a  fighting-galley  must 
have  reached  a  total  of  about  four  hundred  men.1 

What  is  true  of  a  European  galley  is  also  generally 
applicable  to  a  Barbary  galleot,  except  that  the  latter 
was  generally  smaller  and  lighter,  and  had  commonly 
but  one  mast,  and  no  castle  on  the  prow.2  The 
Algerines  preferred  fighting  on  galleots  of  eighteen  to 
twenty-four  banks  of  oars,  as  more  manageable  than 
larger  ships.  The  crew  of  about  two  hundred  men 
was  very  densely  packed,  and  about  one  hundred 
soldiers  armed  with  muskets,  bows,  and  scimitars 
occupied  the  poop.  Haedo  has  described  the  general 
system  of  the  Corsairs  as  he  knew  it  at  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  his  account,  here  summarized, 
holds  good  for  earlier  and  somewhat  later  periods  : — 

1  In  1630  a  French  galley's  company  consisted  of  250  forcat>  and  116 
officers,  soldiers,  and  sailors. 

2  Dan,  Hist,  de  Barbarie,  268-71.  See  the  cut  of  Tunisian  galleots 
on  p.  183. 


ALGERINE  GALLEOTS. 


2IO. 


These  vessels  are  perpetually  building  or  repairing 
at  Algiers  ;  the  builders  are  all  Christians,  who  have  a 
monthly  pay  from  the  Treasury  of  six,  eight,  or  ten 
quarter-dollars,  with  a  daily  allowance  of  three  loaves 
of  the  same  bread  with  the  Turkish  soldiery,  who 
have  four.  Some  of  the  upper  rank  of  these  masters 
have  six  and  even  eight  of  these  loaves ;  nor  has  any 
of  their  workmen,  as  carpenters,  caulkers,  coopers, 
oar-makers,  smiths,  &c,  fewer  than  three.  The 
Beylik,  or  common  magazine,  never  wants  slaves  of 
all  useful  callings,  "  nor  is  it  probable  that  they 
should  ever  have  a  scarcity  of  such  while  they  are 
continually  bringing  in  incredible  numbers  of  Chris- 
tians of  all  nations."  The  captains,  too,  have  their 
private  artificer  slaves,  whom  they  buy  for  high  prices 
and  take  with  them  on  the  cruise,  and  hire  them  out 
to  help  the  Beylik  workmen  when  ashore. 

The  number  of  vessels  possessed  at  any  one  time  by 
the  Algerines  appears  to  have  never  been  large.  Bar- 
barossa  and  Dragut  were  content  with  small  squadrons. 
Ochiali  had  but  fifteen  Algerine  galleys  at  Lepanto. 
Haedo  says  that  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century 
( 1 5  8 1 )  the  Algerines  possessed  36  galleots  or  galleys, 
made  up  of  3  of  24  banks,  1  of  23,  11  of  22,  8  of  20, 
1  of  19,  10  of  18,  and  2  of  15,  and  these  were, 
all  but  14,  commanded  by  renegades.  They  had 
besides  a  certain  number  of  brigantines  of  14  banks, 
chiefly  belonging  to  Moors  at  Shershel.  This  agrees 
substantially  with  Father  Dan's  account  (1634),  who 
says  that  there  were  in  1588  thirty-five  galleys  or 
brigantines  (he  means  galleots)  of  which  all  but  eleven 
were  commanded  by  renegades.    Haedo  gives  the 


220 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


list1  of  the  35  captains,  from  which  the  following 
names  are  selected  :  Ja'far  the  Pasha  (Hungarian), 
Memi  (Albanian),  Murad  (French),  Deli  Memi 
(Greek),  Murad  Rei's  (Albanian),  Feru  Reis  (Genoese), 
Murad  Maltrapillo  and  Yusuf  (Spaniards),  Memi  Rei's 
and  Memi  Gancho  (Venetians),  Murad  the  Less 
(Greek),  Memi  the  Corsican,  Memi  the  Calabrian, 
Montez  the  Sicilian,  and  so  forth,  most  of  whom  com- 
manded galleys  of  22  to  24  banks.2 

It  was  a  pretty  sight  to  see  the  launching  of  a 
galley.  After  the  long  months  of  labour,  after  felling 
the  oak  and  pine  in  the  forests  of  Shershel,  and  carry- 
ing the  fashioned  planks  on  camels,  mules,  or  their 
own  shoulders,  some  thirty  miles  to  the  seashore ;  or 
perhaps  breaking  up  some  unwieldy  prize  vessel  taken 
from  the  Spaniards  or  Venetians;  after  all  the  sawing 
and  fitting  and  caulking  and  painting ;  then  at  last 
comes  the  day  of  rejoicing  for  the  Christian  slaves  who 
alone  have  done  the  work  :  for  no  Mussulman  would 
offer  to  put  a  finger  to  the  building  of  a  vessel,  saving 
a  few  Morisco  oar-makers  and  caulkers.  Then  the 
armadores,  or  owners  of  the  new  galleot,  as  soon  as  it  is 
finished,  come  down  with  presentsof  money  and  clothes, 
and  hang  them  upon  the  mast  and  rigging,  to  the  value 
of  two  hundred  or  three  hundred  ducats,  to  be  divided 
among  their  slaves,  whose  only  pay  till  that  day  has 
been  the  daily  loaves.  Then  again  on  the  day  of 
launching,  after  the  vessel  has  been  keeled  over,  and 
the  bottom  carefully  greased  from  stem  to  stern,  more 
presents  from  owners  and  captains  to  the  workmen, 
to  say  nothing  of  a  hearty  dinner  ;  and  a  great 

1  Topographia,  18.  2  Dan,  270-1. 


LAUNCHING  A  GALLEY. 


221 


straining  and  shoving  of  brawny  arms  and  bare  backs, 
a  shout  of  AllaJiu  Akbar,  "  God  is  Most  Great,"  as  the 
sheep  is  slaughtered  over  the  vessel's  prow — a  symbol, 
they  said,  of  the  Christian  blood  to  be  shed — and  the 
galleot  glides  into  the  water  prepared  for  her  career 
of  devastation  :  built  by  Christians  and  manned  by 
Christians,  commanded  probably  by  a  quondam 
Christian,  she  sallies  forth  to  prey  upon  Christendom. 

The  rowers,  if  possible,  were  all  Christian  slaves, 
belonging  to  the  owners,  but  when  these  were  not 
numerous  enough,  other  slaves,  or  Arabs  and  Moors, 
were  hired  at  ten  ducats  the  trip,  prize  or  no  prize. 
If  he  was  able,  the  captain  (Rei's)  would  build  and 
furnish  out  his  own  vessel,  entirely  at  his  own  cost, 
in  hope  of  greater  profit ;  but  often  he  had  not  the 
means,  and  then  he  would  call  in  the  aid  of  one  or 
more  armadores.  These  were  often  speculative  shop- 
keepers, vvho  invested  in  a  part  share  of  a  galleot  on 
the  chance  of  a  prize,  and  who  often  discovered  that 
ruin  lay  in  so  hazardous  a  lottery.  The  complement 
of  soldiers,  whether  volunteers  (Jevents),  consisting  of 
Turks,  renegades,  or  Kuroghler  (Kidoghler) — i.e., 
Creoles,  natives,  Turks  born  on  the  soil — or  if  these 
cannot  be  had,  ordinary  Moors,  or  Ottoman  janis- 
saries, varied  with  the  vessel's  size,  but  generally  was 
calculated  at  two  to  each  oar,  because  there  was  just 
room  for  two  men  to  sit  beside  each  bank  of  rowers  : 
they  were  not  paid  unless  they  took  a"  prize,  nor  were 
they  supplied  with  anything  more  than  biscuit, 
vinegar,  and  oil — everything  else,  even  their  blankets, 
they  found  themselves.  The  soldiers  were  under  the 
command  of  their  own  Aga,  who  was  entirely  in- 


222 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


dependent  of  the  Re'fs  and  formed  an  efficient  check 
upon  that  officer's  conduct.  Vinegar  and  water,  with 
a  few  drops  of  oil  on  the  surface,  formed  the  chief 
drink  of  the  galley  slaves,  and  their  food  was 
moistened  biscuit  or  rusk,  and  an  occasional  mess  of 
gruel  {burgol)  :  nor  was  this  given  out  when  hard 
rowing  was  needed,  for  oars  move  slackly  on  a  full 
stomach. 

It  was  usual  to  consult  an  auguration  book  and 
a  marabut,  or  saint,  before  deciding  on  a  fortunate 
day  for  putting  to  sea,  and  these  saints  expected 
a  share  of  the  prize  money.  Fridays  and  Sundays 
were  the  favourite  days  for  sailing  ;  a  gun  is  fired 
in  honour  of  their  tutelary  patron  ;  "  God  speed 
us  !  "  shout  the  crew  ;  "  God  send  you  a  prize  ! " 
reply  the  crowd  on  the  shore,  and  the  galleot  swiftly 
glides  away  on  its  destructive  path.  "  The  Algerines," 
says  Haedo,  "generally  speaking,  are  out  upon  the 
cruise  winter  and  summer,  the  whole  year  round  ;  and 
so  devoid  of  dread  they  roam  these  eastern  and 
western  seas,  laughing  all  the  while  at  the  Christian 
galleys  (which  lie  trumpetting,  gaming,  and  banquet- 
ing in  the  ports  of  Christendom),  neither  more  nor 
less  than  if  they  went  a  hunting  hares  and  rabbits, 
killing  here  one  and  there  another.  Nay,  far  from 
being  under  apprehension,  they  are  certain  of  their 
game  ;  since  their  galleots  are  so  extremely  light  and 
nimble,  and  in  such  excellent  order,  as  they  always 
are  1  ;  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  the  Christian  galleys 

1  The  Corsairs  prided  themselves  on  the  ship-shape  appearance  of 
their  vessels.  Everything  was  stowed  away  with  marvellous  neatness 
and  economy  of  space  and  speed ;  even  the  anchor  was  lowered  into 


ON  THE  CRUISE. 


223 


are  so  heavy,  so  embarrassed,  and  in  such  bad  order 
and  confusion,  that  it  is  utterly  in  vain  to  think  of 
giving  them  chase,  or  of  preventing  them  from  going 
and  coming,  and  doing  just  as  they  their  selves 
please.  This  is  the  occasion  that,  when  at  any  time 
the  Christian  galleys  chase  them,  their  custom  is,  by 
way  of  game  and  sneer,  to  point  to  their  fresh- 
tallowed  poops,  as  they  glide  along  like  fishes  before 
them,  all  one  as  if  they  showed  them  their  backs  to 
salute  :  and  as  in  the  cruising  art,  by  continual  practise, 
they  are  so  very  expert,  and  withal  (for  our  sins)  so 
daring,  presumptuous,  and  fortunate,  in  a  few  days 
from  their  leaving  Algiers  they  return  laden  with 
infinite  wealth  and  captives  ;  and  are  able  to  make 
three  or  four  voyages  in  a  year,  and  even  more  if  they 
are  inclined  to  exert  themselves.  Those  who  have 
been  cruising  westward,  when  they  have  taken  a  prize, 
conduct  it  to  sell  at  Tetvvan,  El-Araish,  &c,  in  the 
kingdom  of  Fez  ;  as  do  those  who  have  been  east- 
ward, in  the  states  of  Tunis  and  Tripoli  :  where, 
refurnishing  themselves  with  provisions,  &c,  they 
instantly  set  out  again,  and  again  return  with  cargoes 
of  Christians  and  their  effects.  If  it  sometimes 
happens  more  particularly  in  winter,  that  they  have 
roamed  about  for  any  considerable  time  without  light- 
ing on  any  booty,  they  retire  to  some  one  of  these 
seven  places,  viz  : — If  they  had  been  in  the  west  their 

the  hold  less  it  should  interfere  with  the  "dressing"  of  the  oars.  The 
'weapons  were  never  hung,  but  securely  lashed,  and  when  chasing  an 
enemy,  no  movement  of  any  kind  was  permitted  to  the  crew  and 
soldiers,  save  when  necessary  to  the  progress  and  defence  of  the  ship. 
These  Corsairs,  in  fact,  understood  the  conditions  of  a  rowing-race  to 
perfection. 


GALLEYS  AND  GALLEY  SLAVES. 


retreats  were  Tetwan,  Al-Araish,  or  Yusale  ;  those 
who  came  from  the  Spanish  coasts  went  to  the 
island  Formentara ;  and  such  as  had  been  eastward 
retired  to  the  island  S.  Pedro,  near  Sardinia,  the 
mouths  of  Bonifacio  in  Corsica,  or  the  islands 
Lipari  and  Strombolo,  near  Sicily  and  Calabria  ;  and 
there,  what  with  the  conveniency  of  those  com- 
modious ports  and  harbours,  and  the  fine  springs  and 
fountains  of  water,  with  the  plenty  of  wood  for  fuel 
they  meet  with,  added  to  the  careless  negligence  of 
the  Christian  galleys,  who  scarce  think  it  their  busi- 
ness to  seek  for  them — they  there,  very  much  at  their 
ease,  regale  themselves,  with  stretched-out  legs,  waiting 
to  intercept  the  paces  of  Christian  ships,  which  come 
there  and  deliver  themselves  into  their  clutches."  1 

Father  Dan  describes  their  mode  of  attack  as  per- 
fectly ferocious.  Flying  a  foreign  flag,  they  lure  the 
unsuspecting  victim  within  striking  distance,  and  then 
the  gunners  (generally  renegades)  ply  the  shot  with 
unabated  rapidity,  while  the  sailors  and  boatswains 
chain  the  slaves  that  they  may  not  take  part  in  the 
struggle.  The  fighting  men  stand  ready,  their  arms 
bared,  muskets  primed,  and  scimitars  flashing,  wait- 
ing for  the  order  to  board.  Their  war-cry  was  appal- 
ling ;  and  the  fury  of  the  onslaught  w  as  such  as  to 
strike  panic  into  the  stoutest  heart. 

When  a  prize  was  taken  the  booty  was  divided  with 
scrupulous  honesty  between  the  owners  and  the 
captors,  with  a  certain  proportion  (varying  from  a  fifth 
to  an  eighth)  reserved  for  the  Beylik,  or  government, 
who  also  claimed  the  hulks.  Of  the  remainder,  half 
1  Haedo,  17. 


DIVIDING  THE  SPOILS. 


225 


went  to  the  owners  and  rei's,  the  other  half  to  the  crew 
and  soldiers.  The  principal  officers  took  each  three 
shares,  the  gunners  and  helmsmen  two,  and  the 
soldiers  and  swabbers  one ;  the  Christian  slaves 
received  from  i£  to  three  shares  apiece.  A  scrivener 
saw  to  the  accuracy  of  the  division.  If  the  prize  was 
a  very  large  one,  the  captors  usually  towed  it  into 
Algiers  at  once,  but  small  vessels  were  generally  sent 
home  under  a  lieutenant  and  a  jury-crew  of  Moors. 

There  is  no  mistaking  the  aspect  of  a  Corsair  who 
has  secured  a  prize  :  for  he  fires  gun  after  gun  as  he 
draws  near  the  port,  utterly  regardless  of  powder. 
The  moment  he  is  in  the  roads,  the  Litnan  Re'fs,  or 
Port  Admiral,  goes  on  board,  and  takes  his  report  to 
the  Pasha  ;  then  the  galleot  enters  the  port,  and  all 
the  oars  are  dropped  into  the  water  and  towed 
ashore,  so  that  no  Christian  captives  may  make  off 
with  the  ship  in  the  absence  of  the  captain  and  troops. 
Ashore  all  is  bustle  and  delighted  confusion  ;  the 
dulness  of  trade,  which  is  the  normal  condition  of 
Algiers  between  the  arrivals  of  prizes,  is  forgotten  in 
the  joy  of  renewed  wealth  ;  the  erstwhile  shabby  now 
go  strutting  about,  pranked  out  in  gay  raiment,  the 
commerce  of  the  bar-rooms  is  brisk,  and  every  one 
thinks  only  of  enjoying  himself.    Algiers  is  en  fete. 


XVII. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  SAILS. 

17th  Century. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  notable 
change  came  over  the  tactics  of  the  Corsairs  :  they 
built  fewer  galleys,  and  began  to  construct  square- 
sailed  ships.  In  Algiers,  Tunis,  and  Tripoli  the 
dockyards  teemed  with  workmen  busily  engaged  in 
learning  the  new  build  ;  and  the  honour,  if  such  it 
be,  of  having  taught  them  rests  apparently  between 
England  and  Flanders.  Simon  Danser,  the  Flemish 
rover,  taught  the  Algerines  the  fashion  of  "  round 
ships,"  in  1606,  and  an  Englishman  seems  to  have 
rendered  the  same  kind  office  to  the  people  of  Tunis, 
aided  by  a  Greek  renegade,  Mcmi  Re'is  ;  where,  more- 
over, another  English  pirate,  "Captain  Wer,"  was 
found  in  congenial  company  at  the  Goletta  by 
Monsieur  de  Breves,  the  French  ambassador.1  The 
causes  of  the  change  were  twofold  :  first,  Christian 
slaves  were  not  always  to  be  caught,  and  to  hire 
rowers  for  the  galleys  was  a  ruinous  expense;  and 
secondly,  the  special  service  for  which  the  smaller 
galleots  and  brigantines  were  particularly  destined, 

1  Dan,  Bk.  III.,  ch.  iv.,  p.  273-5,  28°- 


GALLEASSE  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 
{Jurien  de  la  Craviire.) 


THE  GALLEY  SUPERSEDED.  220, 


the  descents  upon  the  Spanish  coasts  was  to  some 
degree  obstructed  by  the  final  expulsion  of  the  last  of 
the  Moors  from  Andalusia  in  1610.1  That  stroke 
deprived  the  Corsairs  of  the  ready  guides  and 
sympathisers  who  had  so  often  helped  them  to 
successful  raids,  and  larger  vessels  and  more  fighting 
men  were  needed  if  such  descents  were  to  be  con- 
tinued. Moreover,  the  Barbary  rovers  were  ambitious 
to  contend  with  their  old  enemies  for  golden  treasure 
on  the  Spanish  main  itself?  the  science  of  navigation 
was  fast  developing ;  and  they  felt  themselves  as 
equal  to  venturing  upon  long  cruises  as  any  European 
nation.  Now  a  long  cruise  is  impossible  in  a  galley, 
where  you  have  some  hundreds  of  rowers  to  feed,  and 
where  each  pound  of  biscuit  adds  to  the  labour  of 
motion  ;  but  sails  have  no  mouths,  and  can  carry 
along  a  great  weight  of  provisions  without  getting 
tired,  like  human  arms.  So  sails  triumphed  over 
oars.  The  day  of  the  galley  was  practically  over, 
and  the  epoch  of  the  ship  had  dawned.  As  early  as 
1616  Sir  Francis  Cottington  reported  to  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham  that  the  sailing  force  of  Algiers  was 
exciting  general  alarm  in  Spain  :  "  The  strength  and 
boldness  of  the  Barbary  pirates  is  now  grown  to  that 
height,  both  in  the  ocean  and  the  Mediterranean  seas, 
as  I  have  never  known  anything  to  have  wrought  a 
greater  sadness  and  distraction  in  this  Court  than  the 
daily  advice  thereof  Their  whole  fleet  consists  of 
forty  sail  of  tall  ships,  of  between  two  and  four 
hundred  tons  a  piece  ;  their  admiral  [flagship]  of  five 
hundred.    They  are  divided  into  two  squadrons  ;  the 

1  See  the  Story  of  the  Moors  in  Spain,  279. 


230 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  SAILS. 


one  of  eighteen  sail  remaining  before  Malaga,  in  sight 
of  the  city  ;  the  other  about  the  Cape  of  S.  Maria, 
which  is  between  Lisbon  and  Seville.  That  squadron 
within  the  straits  entered  the  road  of  Mostil,  a  town 
by  Malaga,  where  with  their  ordnance  they  beat  down 
part  of  the  castle,  and  had  doubtless  taken  the  town, 
but  that  from  Granada  there  came  soldiers  to  succour 
it  ;  yet  they  took  there  divers  ships,  and  among  them 
three  or  four  from  the  west  part  of  England.  Two 
big  English  ships  they  drove  ashore,  not  past  four 
leagues  from  Malaga ;  and  after  they  got  on  shore 
also,  and  burnt  them,  and  to  this  day  they  remain 
before  Malaga,  intercepting  all  ships  that  pass  that  way, 
and  absoluting  prohibiting  all  trade  into  those  parts 
of  Spain."  The  other  squadron  was  doing  the  same 
thing  outside  the  straits,  and  the  Spanish  fleet  was 
both  too  small  in  number  and  too  cumbrous  in  build 
to  attack  them  successfully.  Yet  "  if  this  year  they 
safely  return  to  Algiers,  especially  if  they  should  take 
any  of  the  fleet,  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  the  King 
of  Spain's  forces  by  sea  will  not  be  sufficient  to 
restrain  them  hereafter,  so  much  sweetness  they  find 
by  making  prize  of  all  Christians  whatsoever." 

This  dispatch  shows  that  the  Corsairs  had  speedily 
mastered  the  new  manner  of  navigation,  as  might 
have  been  expected  of  a  nation  of  sailors.  They  had 
long  been  acquainted  with  the  great  galleasse  of 
Spain  and  Venice,  a  sort  of  compromise  between  the 
rowed  galley  and  the  sailing  galleon  ;  for  it  was  too 
heavy  to  depend  wholly  on  its  oars  (which  by  way  of 
distinction  were  rowed  under  cover),  and  its  great 
lateen  sails  were  generally  its  motive  power.  The 


A  FIGHTING  CARAMUZEL. 


231 


galleys  themselves,  moreover,  had  sails,  though  not 
square  sails ;  and  the  seaman  who  can  sail  a  ship 
on  lateen  sails  soon  learns  the  management  of 
the  square  rig.  The  engravings  on  pp.  5,  11,  165, 
197,  and  227  sufficiently  show  the  type  of  vessel 
that  now  again  came  into  vogue,  and  which  was 
known  as  a  galleon,  nave,  polacca,  tartana,  bar- 
cone,  caravel,  caramuzel,  &c,  according  to  its  size 
and  country.  The  Turkish  caramuzel  or  tartan, 
says  Furttenbach,  stands  high  out  of  the  water, 
is  strong  and  swift,  and  mounts  eighteen  or 
twenty  guns  and  as  many  as  sixty  well-armed 
pirates.  It  is  a  dangerous  vessel  to  attack.  From 
its  commanding  height  its  guns  can  pour  down  so 
furious  a  fire  upon  a  Christian  craft  that  the  only 
alternative  to  surrender  is  positive  extirpation.  If 
the  enemy  tries  to  sneak  out  of  range  below  the  level 
of  fire,  the  Turks  drop  grenades  from  the  upper  decks 
and  set  the  ship  on  fire,  and  even  if  the  Christians 
succeeded  in  boarding,  they  find  themselves  in  a 
trap  :  for  though  the  ship's  waist  is  indeed  cleared  of 
the  enemy,  the  hurricane  decks  at  poop  and  prow 
command  the  boarding  party,  and  through  loopholes 
in  the  bulwarks — as  good  a  cover  as  a  trench — a 
hail  of  grape  pours  from  the  guns,  and  seizing 
their  opportunity  the  Turks  rush  furiously  through 
the  doors  and  take  their  opponents  simultaneously 
in  face  and  rear;  and  then  comes  a  busy  time  for 
scimitar  and  pike.  Or,  when  you  are  alongside,  if 
you  see  the  caramuzel's  mainsail  being  furled,  and 
something  moving  in  the  iron  cage  on  the  gabia  or 
maintop,  know  that  a  petard  will  soon  be  dropped  in 


232 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  SAILS. 


your  midst  from  the  main  peak,  and  probably  a  heavy 
stone  or  bomb  from  the  opposite  end  of  the  long 
lateen  yard,  where  it  serves  the  double  purpose  of 
missile  and  counterpoise.  Now  is  the  time  to  keep 
your  distance,  unless  you  would  have  a  hole  in  your 
ship's  bottom.     The  Corsairs,  indeed,  are  very  wily 

in  attack  and  defence,  ac- 
quainted with  many  sorts  of 
projectiles, — even  submarine 
torpedoes,  which  a  diver  will 
attach  to  the  enemy's  keel, — 
and  they  know  how  to  serve 
their  stern  chasers  with  amaz- 
ing accuracy  and  rapidity.1 

With  their  newly-built  gal- 
leons, the  raids  of  the  Cor- 
sairs became  more  extensive  : 
they  were  no  longer  bounded 
by  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar, 
or  a  little  outside  ;  they 
pushed  their  successes  north 
and  south.  In  1617  they 
passed  the  Straits  with  eight 
well-armed  vessels  and  bore 
down  upon  Madeira,  where 
they  landed  eight  hundred 
Turks.  The  scenes  that 
followed  were  of  the  usual  character  ;  the  whole 
island  was  laid  waste,  the  churches  pillaged,  the 
people  abused  and  enslaved.  Twelve  hundred  men. 
women,  and  children  were  brought  back  to  Algiers, 

1  FURTTENBACH,  Architectura  Navalis,  107-IIO. 


RAIDS  IN  THE  NORTH. 


233 


with  much  firing  of  guns,  and  other  signals  of  joy,  in 
which  the  whole  city  joined. 

In  1627  Murad — a  German  renegade — took  three 
Algerine  ships  as  far  north  as  Denmark  and  Iceland, 
whence  he  carried  off  four  hundred,  some  say  eight 
hundred,  captives ;  and,  not  to  be  outdone,  his  name- 
sake Murad  Rei's,  a  Fleming,  in  1631,  ravaged  the 
English  coasts,  and  passing  over  to  Ireland,  descended 
upon  Baltimore,  sacked  the  town,  and  bore  away  two 
hundred  and  thirty-seven  prisoners,  men,  women,  and 
children,  even  from  the  cradle.  "  It  was  a  piteous 
sight  to  see  them  exposed  for  sale  at  Algiers,"  cries 
good  Father  Dan  ;  "  for  then  they  parted  the  wife 
from  the  husband,  and  the  father  from  the  child  ; 
then,  say  I,  they  sell  the  husband  here,  and  the  wife 
there,  tearing  from  her  arms  the  daughter  whom  she 
cannot  hope  to  see  ever  again."  1  Many  bystanders 
burst  into  tears  as  they  saw  the  grief  and  despair  of 
these  poor  Irish. 

As  before,  but  with  better  confidence,  they  pursue 
their  favourite  course  in  the  Levant,  and  cruize  across 
the  Egyptian  trade  route,  where  are  to  be  caught 
ships  laden  with  the  products  of  Cairo  and  San'a  and 
Bombay  ;  and  lay-to  at  the  back  of  Cyprus  to  snare 
the  Syrian  and  Persian  goods  that  sail  from  Scan- 
derun  ;  and  so  home,  with  a  pleasant  raid  along  the 
Italian  coasts,  touching  perhaps  at  an  island  or  two 
to  pick  up  slaves  and  booty,  and  thus  to  the  mole  of 
Algiers  and  the  welcome  of  their  mates  ;  and  this  in 
spite  of  all  the  big  ships  of  Christendom,  "  qu't/s  ne 
cessent  de  troubler,  sans  que  tant  de  puissantes  galeres 

'  Dan,  Hist,  de  Barbaric,  277. 


234 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  SAILS. 


et  tant  de  bons  navires  que  phisieurs  Princes  Chrestiens 
tiennent  dans  leur  havres  leur  donnent  la  c/iasse,  si  ce 
ne  sont  les  vaisseaux  de  Malte  ou  de  Ligorne."  1  And 
since  1618,  when  the  Janissaries  first  elected  their  own 
Pasha,  and  practically  ignored  the  authority  of  the 
Porte,  the  traditional  fellowship  with  France,  the 
Sultan's  ally,  had  fallen  through,  and  French  vessels 
now  formed  part  of  the  Corsairs'  quarry.  Between 
1628  and  1634,  eighty  French  ships  were  captured, 
worth,  according  to  the  rei'ses'  valuation,  4,752,000 
livres,  together  with  1,331  slaves.  The  King  of  France 
must  have  regretted  even  the  days  when  Barbarossa 
wintered  at  Toulon,  so  great  was  the  plague  of  the 
sea-rovers  and  apparently  so  hopeless  the  attempt  to 
put  them  down. 

1  Dan,  /.  c,  278. 


XVIII. 


THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 

17th  and  18th  Centuries. 

When  galleys  went  out  of  fashion,  and  "round 
ships"  took  their  place,  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
captivity  of  Christian  slaves  diminished.    In  reality, 
however,  the  number  of  slaves  employed  on  the 
galleys  was  small  compared  with  those  who  worked, 
on  shore.    If  the  Spanish  historian  be  correct  in  his 
statement  that  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century 
the  Algerines    possessed  but  thirty-six  galleys  and 
galleots,  (the  brigantines  were  not  rowed  by  slaves,) 
with  a  total  of  twelve  hundred  oars,  even  allowing 
three  men  to  an  oar,  which  is  excessive  for  some  of 
the  Corsairs'  light  galleots,  the  number  of  slaves  is 
but  three  thousand  six  hundred.    But  in  1634  Father 
Dan  found  twenty-five  thousand  Christian  slaves  in 
the  city  of  Algiers  and  roundabout,  without  counting 
eight  thousand  renegades,  and  so  far  was  the  fleet 
from  being  diminished  (except  that  there  were  few 
galleys)  that  the  priest  reckoned  no  less  than  seventy 
sailing  cruisers,  from  large  thirty- five  and  forty-gun 
ships,  to  ordinary  galleons  and  polaccas  ;  and  on 


236  THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


August  7th  he  himself  saw  twenty-eight  of  the  best 
of  them  sail  away  in  quest  of  Norman  and  English 
ships,  which  usually  came  to  Spain  at  that  season  to 
take  in  wine,  oil,  and  spices.  He  adds  that  Tunis 
had  then  but  fourteen  polaccas  ;  Sale  thirty  very 
swift  caravels,  drawing  little  water  on  account  of  the 
harbour  bar  ;  and  Tripoli  but  seven  or  eight,  owing  to) 
the  vigilance  of  the  Knights  of  Malta.  Altogether, 
the  whole  Barbary  fleet  numbered  one  hundred  and 
twenty  sailing  ships,  besides  about  twenty-five 
galleys  and  brigantines. 

Father  Dan  draws  a  miserable  picture  of  the 
captives'  life  ashore.  Nothing  of  course  could  equal 
the  torment  of  the  galley-slaves,  but  the  wretchedness 
of  the  shore-slaves  was  bad  enough.  When  they  were 
landed  they  were  driven  to  the  Besistan  or  slave- 
market,  where  they  were  put  up  to  auction  like  the 
cattle  which  were  also  sold  there  ;  walked  up  and 
down  by  the  auctioneer  to  show  off  their  paces ;  and 
beaten  if  they  were  lazy  or  weary  or  seemed  to 
"  sham."  The  purchasers  were  often  speculators 
who  intended  to  sell  again, — "bought  for  the  rise,"  in 
fact;  and  "Christians  are  cheap  to  day"  was  a 
business  quotation,  just  as  though  they  had  been 
stocks  and  shares.  The  prettiest  women  were 
generally  shipped  to  Constantinople  for  the  Sultan's 
choice  ;  the  rest  were  heavily  chained  and  cast  into 
vile  dungeons  in  private  houses  till  their  work  was 
allotted  them,  or  into  the  large  prisons  or  bagnios,  of 
which  there  were  then  six  in  Algiers,  each  containing 
a  number  of  cells  in  which  fifteen  or  sixteen  slaves 
were  confined.    Every  rank  and  quality  of  both  sexes 


TORMENTS  OF  THE  SLAVES. 

(Dan,  Hist,  de  Barbarie,  1637.) 


TORMENTS  OK  THE  SLAVES. 

(Dan,  Hist,  de  Barbarie,  1637.) 


CAPTIVES  ON  SHORE. 


24I 


might  be  seen  in  these  wretched  dens,  gentle  and 
simple,  priest  and  laic,  merchant  and  artisan,  lady 
and  peasant-girl,  some  hopeful  of  ransom,  others 
despairing  ever  to  be  free  again.  The  old  and  feeble 
were  set  to  sell  water  ;  laden  with  chains,  they  led  a 
donkey  about  the  streets  and  doled  out  water  from 
the  skin  upon  his  back  ;  and  an  evil  day  it  was  when 
the  poor  captive  did  not  bring  home  to  his  master  the 
stipulated  sum.  Others  took  the  bread  to  the  bake- 
house and  fetched  it  back  in  haste,  for  the  Moors 
love  hot  loaves.  Some  cleaned  the  house,  (since 
Mohammedans  detest  dirt,)  whitened  the  walls,  washed 
the  clothes,  and  minded  the  children  ;  others  took  the 
fruit  to  market,  tended  the  cattle,  or  laboured  in  the 
fields,  sometimes  sharing  the  yoke  of  the  plough  with 
a  beast  of  burden.  Worst  of  all  was  the  sore  labour 
of  quarrying  stone  for  building,  and  carrying  it  down 
from  the  mountains  to  the  shore. 

Doubtless  Father  Dan  made  the  worst  of  the 
misery  he  saw :  it  was  not  to  the  interest  of  the 
owners  to  injure  their  slaves,  who  might  be  ransomed 
or  re-sold,  and,  at  any  rate,  were  more  valuable  in 
health  than  in  weakness  and  disease.  The  worst 
part  of  captivity  was  not  the  physical  toil  and  blows, 
but  the  mental  care,  the  despair  of  release,  the 
carking  ache  of  proud  hearts  set  to  slave  for  task- 
masters. Cruelty  there  certainly  was,  as  even  so 
staunch  an  apologist  for  the  Moors  as  Joseph  Morgan 
admits,  but  it  can  hardly  have  been  the  rule ;  and  the 
report  of  another  French  priest  who  visited  Algiers 
and  other  parts  of  Barbary  in  17 19  does  not  bear  out 
Dan's  statements  :  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  believe 


242 


THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


that  the  captives  were  worse  treated  in  1634  than  in 
1719.1  The  latter  report,  with  some  of  Morgan's 
comments,  may  be  summarised  thus  2  : — 

The  slaves  at  Algiers  are  not  indeed  so  unhappy 
as  those  in  the  hands  of  the  mountain  Moors.  The 
policy  of  those  in  power,  the  interests  of  individuals, 
and  the  more  sociable  disposition  of  the  townspeople, 
make  their  lot  in  general  less  rigorous  :  still  they  are 
slaves,  hated  for  their  religion,  overtaxed  with  work, 
and  liable  to  apostasy.  They  are  of  two  sorts : 
Beylik  or  Government  slaves,  and  those  belonging  to 
private  persons.    When  a  Corsair  has  taken  a  prize 

1  If  one  may  draw  an  analogy  from  Morocco,  the  Christian  slaves 
there  appear  to  have  been  well  treated  in  1 728,  certainly  better  than 
the  renegades.  They  had  a  Christian  Alcaid,  were  allowed  to  keep 
taverns,  and  were  lodged  in  a  tolerable  inn,  where  the  Mo-lems 
were  not  allowed  to  come  near  them  ;  they  were  nursed  when  sick  by 
Spanish  friars  (who  paid  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  for  the  privilege  of 
curing  his  slaves)  ;  and  many  of  them  amassed  fortunes,  and  kept 
servants  and  mules.  At  least  so  says  Braithwaite,  Hist,  of  the  Rev. 
in  Morocco,  343  ff. 

2  This  is  the  standard  account  of  Christian  slavery  under  the  Corsairs. 
It  is  contained  in  the  anonymous  work  entitled  Seve'al  Voyages  to 
Barbary,  Sec,  [translated  and  annotated  by  J.  Morgan,]  second  ed., 
London,  Olive  Payne,  &c,  1736.  It  is  singular  that  although  Sir  R. 
Lambert  Playfair's  account  of  the  slaves  in  his  Scourge  of  Chris- 
tendom (1884)  p.9  ff.  is  practically  taken  verbatim  from  this  work,  there 
is  not  a  word  to  show  his  indebtedness.  The  name  of  Joseph  Morgan 
is  never  mentioned  in  the  Scourge  of  Christendom,  though  the  author 
was  clearly  indebted  to  him  for  various  incidents,  and  among  others 
for  a  faultily  copied  letter  (p.  35)  from  the  well-known  ambas- 
sador Sir  Francis  Cottington  (whom  Sir  R.  L.  Playfair  calls 
Cotting//aw).  A  good  many  errors  in  the  Scourge  of  Christendom 
are  due  to  careless  copying  of  unacknowledged  writers :  such  as 
calling  Joshua  Bushett  of  the  Admiralty,  "  Mr.  Secretary  Bushell,"  or 
Sir  John  Stuart,  "  Stewart,"  or  eight  bells  "eight  boats,"  or  Sir  Peter 
Denis,  "  Sir  Denis,"  or  misreckoning  the  ships  of  Sir  R.  Mansell's 
expedition,  or  turning  San  Lucar  into  "  St.  Lucas." 


SALE  OF  SLAVES. 


243 


and  has  ascertained,  by  the  application  of  the  basti- 
nado, the  rank  or  occupation  and  proficiency  of  the 
various  captives,  he  brings  them  before  the  governor 
to  be  strictly  examined  as  to  their  place  in  the 
captured  vessel,  whether  passengers  or  equipage  :  if 
the  former,  they  are  claimed  by  their  consuls,  who 
attend  the  examination,  and  as  a  rule  they  are  set 
free  ;  but  if  they  served  on  board  the  ship  for  pay 
they  are  enslaved.  Drawn  up  in  a  row,  one  in  eight 
is  chosen  by  the  Dey  for  his  own  share,  and  he 
naturally  selects  the  best  workmen,  and  the  surgeons 
and  ship's  masters,  who  are  at  once  sent  to  the 
Government  bagnio.  The  rest  are  to  be  divided 
equally  between  the  owners  and  the  equipage,  and  are 
taken  to  the  Besistan  and  marched  up  and  down  by 
the  dellals  or  auctioneers,  to  the  time  of  their  merits 
and  calling,  till  the  highest  bid  is  reached.  This  is, 
however,  a  merely  formal  advance,  for  the  final  sale 
must  take  place  at  the  Dey's  palace,  whither  the 
captives  and  their  would-be  purchasers  now  resort. 
The  second  auction  always  realizes  a  much  higher 
sum  than  the  first ;  but  the  owners  and  equipage  are 
only  permitted  to  share  the  former  price,  while,  by 
a  beautifully  simple  process,  the  whole  difference 
between  the  first  and  second  sales  goes  absolutely  to 
the  Government. 

The  Government  slaves  wear  an  iron  ring  on  one 
ankle,  and  are  locked  up  at  night  in  the  bagnios,  while 
by  day  they  do  all  the  heavy  work  of  the  city,  as 
cleaning,  carrying,  and  quarrying  stone.  Their  rations 
are  three  loaves  a  day.  Some  have  been  seen  to  toil 
in  chains.    They  have  nevertheless  their  privileges ; 


244  THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


they  have  no  work  to  do  on  Fridays,  and  they  are  at 
free  liberty  to  play,  work,  or  steal  for  themselves  every 
day  for  about  three  hours  before  sunset,  and  Morgan 
adds  that  they  do  steal  with  the  coolest  impunity,  and 
often  sell  the  stolen  goods  back  to  the  owners,  who 
dare  not  complain.  Sometimes  the  Dey  sends  them 
to  sea,  when  they  are  allowed  to  retain  part  of  the 
spoil  ;  and  others  are  permitted  to  keep  taverns  for 
renegades  and  the  general  riff-raff,  both  of  Turks  and 
Christians,  to  carouze  in.  Sometimes  they  may  save 
enough  to  re-purchase  their  freedom,  but  it  often 
happened  that  a  slave  remained  a  slave  by  prefer- 
ence, sooner  than  return  to  Europe  and  be  beggared, 
and  many  of  them  were  certainly  better  off  in 
slavery  at  Algiers,  where  they  got  a  blow  for  a 
crime,  than  in  Europe,  where  their  ill-deeds  would 
have  brought  them  to  the  wheel,  or  at  least  the 
halter. 

There  were  undoubtedly  instances,  however,  of  un- 
mitigated barbarity  in  the  treatment  of  prisoners. 
For  example,  the  Redemptionists  relate  the  sufferings 
of  four  Knights  of  Malta — three  of  them  French 
gentlemen,  and  one  from  Lucca — who  were  taken 
captive  at  the  siege  of  Oran  in  1706,  and  taken  to 
Algiers.  Here  they  were  thrust  into  the  Government 
prison,  along  with  other  prisoners  and  slaves,  to  the 
number  of  two  thousand.  Faint  with  the  stench,  they 
were  removed  to  the  Kasaba  or  Castle,  where  they 
remained  two  years.  News  was  then  brought  that  the 
galleys  of  Malta  had  captured  the  capitana  or  flagship 
of  Algiers,  with  six  hundred  and  fifty  Turks  and 
Moors  aboard,  besides  Christian  slaves,  to  say  nothing 


KNIGHTS  IN  CHAINS. 


245 


of  killed  and  wounded  :  whereupon,  furiously  incensed, 
the  Dey  sent  the  imprisoned  knights  to  the  castle 
dungeon,  and  loaded  them  with  chains  weighing 
120  lbs.  ;  and  there  they  remained,  cramped  with 
the  irons,  in  a  putrid  cavern  swarming  with  rats 
and  other  vermin.  They  could  hear  the  people  pass- 
ing in  the  street  without,  and  they  clanked  their  chains 
if  so  be  they  might  be  heard,  but  none  answered.  At 
last  their  condition  came  to  the  ears  of  the  French 
consul,  who  threatened  like  penalties  to  Turkish 
prisoners  in  Malta  unless  the  knights  were  removed  ; 
and  the  Dey,  on  this,  lightened  their  chains  by  half, 
and  put  them  in  a  better  room.  There  these  unhappy 
gentlemen  remained  for  eight  long  years  more,  save 
only  at  the  great  festivals  of  the  Church,  when  they 
were  set  free  to  join  in  the  religious  rites  at  the  French 
consulate ;  and  once  they  formed  a  strange  and  sad 
feature  in  the  wedding  festivities  of  the  consul,  when 
they  assumed  their  perukes  and  court-dresses  for  the 
nonce,  only  to  exchange  them  again  for  the  badge  of 
servitude  when  the  joyful  moment  of  liberty  was  over. 
Their  treatment  grew  worse  as  time  wore  on  ;  they 
were  made  even  to  drag  trucks  of  stone,  these  knights 
of  an  heroic  Order  ;  and  hopeless  of  obtaining  so  large 
a  sum  as  nearly  $40,000,  which  was  demanded  for 
their  ransom,  they  managed  to  file  their  chains  and 
escape  to  the  shore.  But  there,  to  their  dismay,  the 
ship  they  expected  was  not  to  be  seen,  and  they  took 
refuge  with  a  marabut  or  saint.  Much  to  his  credit, 
this  worthy  Moslem  used  his  vast  spiritual  influence 
for  their  protection,  and  the  Dey  spared  their  lives. 
At  last,  by  the  joint  efforts  of  their  friends  and  the 


246  THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


Redemptionists,  these  poor  gentlemen  were  ransomed 
and  restored  to  their  own  country.1 

Among  those  who  endured  captivity  in  Algiers  was 
one  whom  genius  has  placed  among  the  greatest  men 
of  all  time.  In  1575,  Cervantes  2  was  returning  from 
Naples — after  serving  for  six  years  in  the  regiment  of 
Figueroa,  and  losing  the  use  of  his  left  arm  at  Lepanto 
— to  revisit  his  own  country  ;  when  his  ship  El  Sol 
was  attacked  by  several  Corsair  galleys  commanded 
by  Arnaut  Memi;  and,  after  a  desperate  resistance,  in 
which  Cervantes  took  a  prominent  part,  was  forced  to 
strike  her  colours.  Cervantes  thus  became  the  captive 
of  a  renegade  Greek,  one  Deli  Memi,  a  Corsair  rei's,  who, 
finding  upon  him  letters  of  recommendation  from  per- 
sons of  the  highest  consequence,  Don  John  of  Austria 
among  them,  concluded  that  he  was  a  prisoner 
of  rank,  for  whom  a  heavy  ransom  might  be  asked. 
Accordingly  the  future  author  of  Don  Qjiixote 
was  loaded  with  chains  and  harshly  treated,  to  make 
him  the  more  anxious  to  be  ransomed.  The  ransom, 
however,  was  slow  in  coming,  and  meanwhile  the 
captive  made  several  daring,  ingenious,  but  unsuccess- 
ful attempts  to  escape,  with  the  natural  consequences 
or  stricter  watch  and  greater  severities.  At  last,  in 
the  second  year  of  his  captivity,  he  was  able  to  let 

1  Several  Voyages,  58-65. 

2  This  brief  account  of  Cervantes'  captivity  is  abridged  from  my 
friend  Mr.  H.  E.  Watts's  admirable  Life,  prefixed  to  his  translation  of 
Don  Quixote.  The  main  original  authority  on  the  matter  is  Haedo, 
who  writes  on  the  evidence  of  witnesses  who  knew  Cervantes  in  Algiers, 
and  who  one  and  all  spoke  with  enthusiasm  and  love  of  his  courage 
and  patience,  his  good  humour  and  unselfish  devotion  (Watts,  i.  76, 
96). 


CERVANTES  IN  SLAVERY. 


247 


his  friends  know  of  his  condition  ;  whereupon  his 
father  strained  every  resource  to  send  a  sufficient  sum 
to  release  Miguel,  and  his  brother  Rodrigo,  who  was 
in  the  like  plight.  The  brother  was  set  free,  but 
Cervantes  himself  \vas  considered  too  valuable  for  the 
price. 

With  the  help  of  his  liberated  brother  he  once 
more  concerted  a  plan  of  escape.  In  a  cavern  six 
miles  from  Algiers,  where  he  had  a  friend,  he  con- 
cealed by  degrees  forty  or  fifty  fugitives,  chiefly 
Spanish  gentlemen,  and  contrived  to  supply  them 
with  food  for  six  months,  without  arousing  suspicion. 
It  was  arranged  that  a  Spanish  ship  should  be  sent 
by  his  brother  to  take  off  the  dwellers  in  the  cave, 
whom  Cervantes  now  joined.  The  ship  arrived  ; 
communications  were  already  opened  ;  when  some 
fishermen  gave  the  alarm  ;  the  vessel  was  obliged  to 
put  to  sea  ;  and,  meanwhile,  the  treachery  of  one  of 
the  captives  had  revealed  the  whole  plot  to  Hasan 
Pasha,  the  Viceroy,  who  immediately  sent  a  party  of 
soldiers  to  the  cavern.  Cervantes,  with  his  natural 
chivalry,  at  once  came  to  the  front  and  took  the 
whole  blame  upon  himself.  Surprised  at  this  mag- 
nanimity, the  Viceroy  —  who  is  described  in  Don 
Quixote  as  "  the  homicide  of  all  human  kind  "  1 — sent 
for  him,  and  found  him  as  good  as  his  word.  No 
threats  of  torture  or  death  could  extort  from  him  a 
syllable  which  could  implicate  any  one  of  his  fellow- 

1  Don  Quixote,  I.,  chap.  xl.  (Watts)  :  "  Every  day  he  hanged  a 
slave  ;  impaled  one  ;  cut  off  the  ears  of  another  ;  and  this  upon  so  little 
animus,  or  so  entirely  without  cause,  that  the  Turks  would  own  he  did 
it  merely  for  the  sake  of  doing  it,  and  because  it  was  his  nature." 


248  THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


captives.  His  undaunted  manner  evidently  overawed 
the  Viceroy,  for  instead  of  chastizing  he  purchased 
Cervantes  from  his  master  for  five  hundred  gold 
crowns. 

Nothing  could  deter  this  valiant  spirit  from  his 
designs  upon  freedom.  Attempt  after  attempt  had 
failed,  and  still  he  tried  again.  Once  he  was  very 
near  liberty,  when  a  Dominican  monk  betrayed 
him  ;  even  then  he  might  have  escaped,  if  he  would 
have  consented  to  desert  his  companions  in  the  plot : 
but  he  was  Cervantes.  He  was  within  an  ace  of 
execution,  thanks  to  his  own  chivalry,  and  was  kept 
for  five  months  in  the  Moor's  bagnio,  under  strict 
watch,  though  without  blows — no  one  ever  struck  him 
during  the  whole  of  his  captivity,  though  he  often 
stood  in  expectation  of  impalement  or  some  such 
horrible  death.  At  last,  in  1580,  just  as  he  was  being 
taken  off,  laden  with  chains,  to  Constantinople, 
whither  Hasan  Pasha  had  been  recalled,  Father  Juan 
Gil  effected  his  ransom  for  about  ,£100  of  English 
money  of  the  time,  and  Miguel  de  Cervantes,  after 
five  years  of  captivity,  was  once  more  free.  As  has 
been  well  said,  if  Don  Quixote  and  all  else  of  his  had 
never  been  written,  "  the  proofs  we  have  here  of  his 
greatness  of  soul,  constancy,  and  cheerfulness,  under 
the  severest  of  trials  which  a  man  could  endure,  would 
be  sufficient  to  ensure  him  lasting  fame."  1 

Slavery  in  private  houses,  shops,  and  farms,  was 
tolerable  or  intolerable  according  to  the  character  and 
disposition  of  the  master  and  of  the  slaves.  Some 

1  H.  E.  Watts,  Life  of  Cervantes,  prefixed  to  his  translation  of  Don 
Quixote,  i.  96. 


THE  ORDER  OF  THE  REDEMPTION.  25I 


were  treated  as  members  of  the  family,  save  in  then 
liberty,  as  is  the  natural  inclination  of  Moslems 
towards  the  slaves  of  their  own  religion  ;  others  were 
cursed  and  beaten,  justly  or  unjustly,  and  lived  a 
dog's  life.  Those  who  were  supposed  to  be  able  to 
pay  a  good  ransom  were  for  a  time  especially  ill- 
treated,  in  the  hope  of  compelling  them  to  send  for 
their  money.  Escape  was  rare :  the  risk  was  too 
great,  and  the  chances  too  small. 

Thousands  of  Christian  slaves  meant  tens  of  thou- 
sand of  Christian  sympathisers,  bereaved  parents  and 
sisters,  sorrowing  children  and  friends  ;  and  it  is  easy 
to  imagine  what  efforts  were  made  to  procure  the 
release  of  their  unhappy  relatives  in  captivity.  At 
first  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  open  negotiations 
with  the  Corsairs ;  but  when  nation  after  nation 
appointed  consuls  to  watch  over  their  interests  at 
Algiers  and  Tunis,  there  was  a  recognized  medium 
of  negotiation  of  which  the  relations  took  advantage. 
As  will  presently  be  seen,  the  office  of  consul  in  those 
days  carried  with  it  little  of  the  power  or  dignity  that 
becomes  it  now,  and  the  efforts  of  the  consul  were 
often  abortive. 

There  were  others  than  consuls,  however,  to  help 
in  the  good  work.  The  freeing  of  captives  is  a 
Christian  duty,  and  at  the  close  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury Jean  de  Matha,  impressed  with  the  unhappy  fate 
of  the  many  Christians  who  languished  in  the  lands 
of  the  infidels,  founded  the  "  Order  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  and  Redemption  of  Captives."  The  convent 
of  S.  Mathurin  at  Paris  was  immediately  bestowed 
upon  the  Order,  another  was  built  at  Rome  on  the 


THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


Coelian  Hill,  another  called  Cerfroy  near  Meaux,  and 
others  in  many  countries,  even  as  far  as  the  Indies. 
Pope  Innocent  the  Third  warmly  supported  the  pious 
design,  and  wrote  a  Latin  letter  recommending  the 
Redemptionists  to  the  protection  of  the  Emperor  of 
Morocco :  it  was  addressed,  Illustri  Miramomoliu, 
Regi  Marochetatiorum.  Matha's  first  voyage  (i  199 ; 
brought  back  one  hundred  and  eighty-six  captives,  and 
in  succeeding  generations  some  twenty  thousand  slaves 
were  rescued  by  the  good  fathers,  who,  clad  in  their 
white  robes,  with  the  blue  and  red  cross  on  the  breast 
— three  colours  symbolical  of  the  Three  Persons — 
fearlessly  confronted  the  Corsairs  and  .bartered  for 
the  captives'  ransom. 

Father  Pierre  Dan  and  his  colleagues  of  the  Order 
of  the  Redemption  set  out  from  Marseilles,  in  1634, 
in  the  suite  of  Sanson  le  Page,  premier  herald  of 
France,  and  conversant  in  the  Turkish  tongue,  to 
arrange  for  the  exchange  of  captives.1  Some  Turks 
confined  in  the  galleys  at  Marseilles  were  to  be  re- 
leased in  return  for  the  freeing  of  the  three  hundred 
and  forty-two  Frenchmen  who  were  in  captivity  in 
Algiers.  The  good  father's  views  upon  the  origin  of 
the  Corsairs  were  very  pronounced.  He  held  that  they 
were  descended  from  Ham,  the  traitor,  and  were  in- 
heritors of  the  curse  of  the  patriarch  Noah  ;  further,  that 

'  Histoire  de  Barbarie  et  de  ses  Corsaires,  par  le  R.  P.  Fr.  Pierre 
Dan,  Ministre  et  Superieur  du  Convent  de  la  Sainte  Trinite  et  Redemp- 
tion des  Captifs,  fonde  au  Chasteau  de  Fontaine-bleau,  et  Bachelier  en 
Theologie,  de  la  Faculte  de  Paris. 

A  Paris,  chez  Pierre  Rocolet,  Libraire  et  Imprimeur  ordre  du  Roy,  au 
Palais,  aux  Armes  du  Roy  et  de  la  Ville.  Avec  Privilege  de  sa  Majeste. 
I637- 


FATHER  DAN. 


253 


they  were  the  cruellest  of  all  the  unnatural  monsters 
that  Africa  has  bred,  the  most  barbarous  of  mankind, 
pests  of  the  human  race,  tyrants  over  the  general 
liberty,  and  the  wholesale  murderers  of  innocent 
blood.  He  did  not  stop  to  examine  into  the  condi- 
tion of  the  galley-slaves  in  the  ports  of  his  own  France, 
or  to  inquire  whether  the  word  Corsair  applied  to 
Moslems  alone. 

On  July  15,  1634,  Sanson  and  the  priests  arrived 
at  Algiers.  A  full  divan  was  being  held,  and  the 
Pasha  received  them  courteously,  despite  their  obsti- 
nate refusal  to  dip  the  French  flag  to  his  crescent. 
They  were  forced,  in  deference  to  the  universal  custom 
at  Algiers,  to  surrender  their  rudder  and  oars,  not  so 
much  to  prevent  their  own  unauthorized  departure,  as 
to  remove  the  temptation  of  Christian  captives  making 
their  escape  in  the  vessel.  Orders  were  given  that 
every  respect  was  to  be  paid  to  the  envoy's  party  on 
pain  of  decapitation.  Rooms  were  prepared  for  them 
in  the  house  of  the  agent  who  represented  the  coral 
fisheries  of  the  neighbouring  Bastion  de  France  ;  and 
here  Father  Dan  made  an  altar,  celebrated  Mass,  and 
heard  confession  of  the  captives.  Two  days  after  their 
arrival,  a  new  Pasha  appeared  from  Constantinople  : 
he  was  met  by  two  state-galleys,  and  saluted  by  the 
fifteen  hundred  guns  in  the  forts  and  the  forty  galleys 
in  the  harbour.  The  Aga  of  the  Janissaries,  and  the 
Secretary  of  State,  with  a  large  suite  of  officers,  drum- 
mers, and  fifes,  received  him  on  his  landing  with  a 
deafening  noise.  The  new  Pasha,  who  was  robed  in 
white,  then  mounted  a  splendid  barb,  richly  caparisoned 
with  precious  stones  and  silk  embroidery,  and  rode  to 


254  THE  REDEMPTION  OF  CAPTIVES. 


the  palace,  whence  he  sent  the  French  envoy  a  present 
of  an  ox,  six  sheep,  twenty-four  fowls,  forty-eight  hot 
loaves,  and  six  dozen  wax  candles  ;  to  which  the  Sieur 
le  Page  responded  with  gold  and.  silver  watches, 
scarlet  cloth,  and  rich  brocades. 

Despite  these  civilities,  the  negotiations  languished  ; 
and  finally,  after  three  months  of  fruitless  endeavours, 
the  Mission  left  "  this  accursed  town"  in  such  haste 
that  they  never  even  looked  to  see  if  the  wind  would 
serve  them,  and  consequently  soon  found  themselves 
driven  by  a  Greek  Levant,  or  east  wind,  to  Majorca  ; 
then  across  to  Bujeya,  which  was  no  longer  a  place  of 
importance  or  of  piracy,  since  the  Algerines  had  con- 
centrated all  their  galleys  at  their  chief  port ;  and 
then  sighted  Bona,  which  showed  traces  of  the  inva- 
sion of  1607,  when  six  Florentine  galleys,  commanded 
by  French  gentlemen,  had  seized  the  fort,  made  mince- 
meat of  the  unfortunate  garrison,  and  carried  off 
eighteen  hundred  men,  women,  and  children  to  Le- 
ghorn. At  last,  with  much  toil,  they  reached  La  Calle, 
the  port  of  the  Bastion  de  France,  a  fine  castle  built 
by  the  merchants  of  Marseilles  in  1 561  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  valuable  coral  fisheries,  and  containing 
two  handsome  courts  of  solid  masonry,  and  a  popu- 
lation of  four  hundred  French  people.  Sanson 
Napolon  had  been  governor  here,  but  he  was  killed 
in  an  expedition  to  Tabarka  ;  Le  Page  accordingly 
appointed  a  lieutenant,  and  then  the  Mission  returned 
to  Marseilles,  without  results.  The  fathers,  however, 
soon  afterwards  sailed  for  Tunis,  whence  they  brought 
back  forty-two  French  captives,  with  whom  they  made 
a  solemn  procession,  escorted  by  all  the  clergy  of 


FATHER  COMELIN. 


^55 


Marseilles,  and  sang  a  triumphant  Te  Dcum,  the 
captives  marching  joyfully  beside  them,  each  with  an 
illustrative  chain  over  his  shoulder. 

This  is  but  one  example  of  a  long  course  of  deter- 
mined efforts  of  the  Redemptionists  (to  say  nothing 
of  Franciscans  and  Dominicans)  to  rescue  their  un- 
happy countrymen.  In  17 19  Father  Comelin  and 
others  brought  away  ninety-eight  Frenchmen,1  and 
similar  expeditions  were  constantly  being  made.  The 
zeal  of  the  Order  was  perhaps  narrow :  we  read  that 
when  they  offered  to  pay  3,000  pieces  for  three  French 
captives,  and  the  Dey  voluntarily  threw  in  a  fourth 
without  increasing  the  price,  they  refused  the  addition 
because  he  was  a  Lutheran.  Nevertheless,  they  worked 
much  good  among  the  Catholic  prisoners,  established 
hospitals  and  chapels  in  various  parts  of  the  Barbary 
coast,  and  many  a  time  suffered  the  penalty  of  their 
courage  at  the  hands  of  a  merciless  Dey,  who  would 
sometimes  put  them  to  a  cruel  death  in  order  to  satisfy 
his  vengeance  for  some  reverse  sustained  by  his  troops 
or  ships  from  the  forces  of  France.  Catholic,  and 
especially  French,  captives  at  least  had  cause  to  be 
grateful  to  the  Fathers  of  the  Redemption.  Those  of 
the  Northern  nations  fared  worse :  they  had  no  power- 
ful, widespread  Church  organization  to  help  them, 
their  rulers  took  little  thought  of  their  misery,  and 
their  tears  and  petitions  went  unregarded  for  many  a 
long  year. 

1  Several  Voyages  to  Barbary,  second  ed.,  Lond.,  1736. 


XIX. 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 
16th  to  18th  Centuries. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  history  of  the 
foreign  relations  of  Algiers  and  Tunis  is  one  long 
indictment,  not  of  one,  but  of  all  the  maritime  Powers 
of  Europe,  on  the  charge  of  cowardice  and  dis- 
honour. There  was  some  excuse  for  dismay  at  the 
powerful  armaments  and  invincible  seamanship  of 
Barbarossa  or  the  fateful  ferocity  of  Dragut  ;  but 
that  all  the  maritime  Powers  should  have  cowered 
and  cringed  as  they  did  before  the  miserable  brag- 
garts who  succeeded  the  heroic  age  of  Corsairs,  and 
should  have  suffered  their  trade  to  be  harassed,  their 
lives  menaced,  and  their  honour  stained  by  a  series 
of  insolent  savages,  whose  entire  fleet  and  army  could 
not  stand  for  a  day  before  any  properly  general  led 
force  of  a  single  European  Power,  seems  absolutely 
incredible,  and  yet  it  is  literally  true. 

Policy  and  pre-occupation  had  of  course  much  to 
say  to  this  state  of  things.  Policy  induced  the 
French  to  be  the  friends  of  Algiers  until  Spain  lost 
her  menacing  supremacy ;  and  even  later,  Louis 
XIV.  is  said  to  have  remarked,  "If  there  were  no 


ARROGANCE  OF  TUNIS. 


257 


Algiers,  I  would  make  one."  Policy  led  the  Dutch 
to  ally  themselves  with  the  Algerines  early  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  because  it  suited  them  to  see 
the  lesser  trading  States  preyed  upon.  Policy  some- 
times betrayed  England  into  suffering  the  indignities 
of  subsidizing  a  nest  of  thieves,  that  the  thieving 
might  be  directed  against  her  enemies.  Pre-occupa- 
tion  in  other  struggles — our  own  civil  war,  the  Dutch 
war,  the  great  Napoleonic  war — may  explain  the 
indifference  to  insult  or  patience  under  affront  which 
had  to  be  displayed  during  certain  periods.  But 
there  were  long  successions  of  years  when  no  such 
apology  can  be  offered,  when  no  cause  whatever  can 
be  assigned  for  the  pusillanimity  of  the  governments 
of  Europe  but  sheer  cowardice,  the  definite  terror  of 
a  barbarous  Power  which  was  still  believed  to  possess 
all  the  boundless  resources  and  all  the  unquenchable 
courage  which  had  marked  its  early  days. 

Tunis  as  much  as  Algiers  was  the  object  of  the 
servile  dread  of  Europe.  The  custom  of  offering 
presents,  which  were  really  bribes,  only  died  out  fifty 
years  ago,  and  there  are  people  who  can  still  remem- 
ber the  time  when  consuls-general  were  made  to 
creep  into  the  Bey's  presence  under  a  wooden  bar.1 
One  day  the  Bey  ordered  the  French  consul  to  kiss 
his  hand  ;  the  consul  refused,  was  threatened  with 
instant  death,  and — kissed  it  (1740).  When  in  1762 
an  English  ambassador  came  in  a  King's  ship  to 
announce  the  accession  of  George  III.,  the  Bey  made 
the  same  order,  but  this  time  it  was  compromised  by 
some  of  the  officers  kissing  his  hand  instead  of  their 
1  Broadley,  Turn's,  i.  51. 


258 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


chief.  Austria  was  forced  to  sue  for  a  treaty,  and 
had  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  (1784).  The  Danes 
sent  a  fleet  to  beg  leave  to  hoist  their  flag  over  their 
consulate  in  Tunis  :  the  Bey  asked  fifteen  thousand 
sequins  for  the  privilege,  and  the  admiral  sailed  away 
in  despair.  After  the  Venetians  had  actually  defeated 
the  Tunisians  several  times  in  the  war  of  1784-92, 
Venice  paid  the  Bey  Hamuda  forty  thousand  sequins 
and  splendid  presents  for  the  treaty  of  peace.  About 
the  same  time  Spain  spent  one  hundred  thousand 
piastres  for  the  sake  of  immunity  from  piracy ;  and 
in  1799  the  United  States  bought  a  commercial  treaty 
for  fifty  thousand  dollars  down,  eight  thousand  for 
secret  service,  twenty-eight  cannon,  ten  thousand 
balls,  and  quantities  of  powder,  cordage,  and  jewels. 
Holland,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Spain,  and  the  United 
States  were  tributaries  of  the  Bey  ! 

Yet  we  have  it  on  the  authority  of  the  Redemp- 
tionist  Fathers,  who  were  not  likely  to  underestimate 
their  adversaries,  that  in  1719  the  Algerines  who, 
"  among  all  the  Barbary  maritime  Powers  are  much 
the  strongest,"  had  but  twenty-five  galleons  of  eighteen 
to  sixty  guns,  besides  caravels  and  brigantines ;  and 
it  appears  they  were  badly  off  for  timber,  especially 
for  masts,  and  for  iron,  cordage,  pitch,  and  sails.  "  It 
is  surprising  to  see  in  what  good  condition  they  keep 
their  ships,  since  their  country  affords  not  where- 
withal to  do  it.  .  .  .  When  they  can  get  new  timber 
(brought  from  Bujeya)  sufficient  to  make  a  ship's 
bottom-parts,  they  finish  the  remainder  with  the  ruins 
of  prize  vessels,  which  they  perfectly  well  know  how 
to  employ  to  most  advantage,  and  thus  find  the  secret 


BLACKMAIL 


259 


of  making  very  neat  new  ships  and  excellent  sailers 
out  of  old  ones."1  Still  twenty-five  small  frigates 
were  hardly  a  big  enough  bugbear  to  terrify  all  Europe, 
let  them  patch  them  never  so  neatly.  Nevertheless,  in 
1712,  the  Dutch  purchased  the  forbearance  of  these 
twenty-five  ships  by  ten  twenty-four  pounders 
mounted,  twenty-five  large  masts,  five  cables,  four 
hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  powder,  two  thousand 
five  hundred  great  shot,  fifty  chests  of  gun  barrels, 
swords,  &c,  and  five  thousand  dollars.  Being  thus 
handsomely  armed,  the  Algerines  naturally  broke 
the  treaty  in  three  years'  time,  and  the  Dutch  paid 
even  more  for  a  second  truce.  So  flourished  the 
system  of  the  weak  levying  blackmail  upon  the 
strong.2 

The  period  of  Europe's  abasement  began  when  the 
Barbary  Corsairs  were  recognized  as  civilized  states 
to  be  treated  with  on  equal  terms  :  that  is  to  say, 
when  consuls,  ambassadors,  and  royal  letters  began 
to  arrive  at  Tunis  or  Algiers.  This  period  began 
soon  after  Doria's  disastrous  campaign  at  Jerba,  when 
the  battle  of  Lepanto  had  destroyed  the  prestige 
of  the  Ottoman  navy,  but  increased  if  possible 
the  terror  of  the  ruthless  Corsairs.  No  really 
serious  attempt  was  made  to  put  down  the  scourge 
of  the  Mediterranean  between  1560  and  Lord 
Exmouth's  victory  in  1816.  For  nearly  all  that 
time  the  British  nation,  and  most  of  the  other 
maritime  states,  were  represented  at  Algiers  and 
Tunis  by  consular  agents.  Master  John  Tipton 
was  the  first  Englishman  to  become  consul  anywhere, 

1  Several  Voyages,  97.  2  Ibid.  104,  note. 


z6o 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


and  he  was  consul  at  Algiers,  first  appointed  by  the 
newly-formed  Turkey  Company  about  1580,  and  in 
1585  officially  named  consul  of  the  British  nation  by 
Mr.  Harebone,  the  ambassador  of  England  at  the 
Sublime  Porte.  The  records  of  the  long  succession 
of  consuls,  and  agents,  and  consuls-general,  that 
followed  him  are  a  title-roll  of  shame.  The  state  of 
things  at  almost  any  point  in  this  span  of  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty  years  may  be  described  in  few  words. 
A  consul  striving  to  propitiate  a  sullen,  ignorant, 
common  soldier,  Called  a  Dey  ;  a  Christian  king, 
or  government,  submitting  to  every  affront  put  upon 
his  representative,  recalling  him  after  mortal  insult, 
and  sending  a  more  obsequious  substitute  with 
presents  and  fraternal  messages  ;  and  now  and  then 
a  King's  ship,  carrying  an  officer  of  the  King's  navy, 
or  an  ambassador  of  the  King's  Council,  irresolutely 
loitering  about  the  Bay  of  Algiers  trying  to  mollify 
a  surly  despot,  or  perhaps  to  experiment  in  a  little 
meaningless  bluster,  at  which  the  Dey  laughs  in  his 
sleeve,  or  even  openly,  for  he  knows  he  has  only  to 
persevere  in  his  demands  and  every  government  in 
Europe  will  give  in.  Consuls  may  pull  down  their 
flags  and  threaten  war  ;  admirals  may  come  and  look 
stern,  and  even  make  a  show  of  a  broadside  or  two  ; 
but  the  Dey's  Christian  Brother  of  St.  James's  or  the 
Tuilerics — or  their  ministers  for  them — have  settled 
that  Algiers  cannot  be  attacked :  so  loud  may  he 
laugh  at  consul  and  man-of-war. 

To  attempt  to  trace  in  detail  the  relations  of  the 
Pashas,  Deys,  and  Beys  of  the  three  Barbary  States, 
and   the   Sherifs    of    Morocco,   with   the  various 


TREATMENT  OF  CONSULS. 


26l 


European  Powers,  would  be  a  task  at  once  difficult 
and  wearisome.  Those  with  England  will  be  quite 
sufficient  for  the  purpose,  and  here,  in  regard  to 
Algiers,  we  have  the  advantage  of  following  the 
researches  of  the  Agent  and  Consul-General  there, 
Sir  R.  Lambert  Playfair,  who  in  his  Scourge  of 
Christendom?  has  set  forth  the  principal  incidents  of 
British  relations  with  the  Dey  in  great  detail,  and  has 
authenticated  his  statements  by  references  to  official 
documents  of  unimpeachable  veracity.  The  facts 
which  he  brings  to  light  in  a  volume  of  over  three 
hundred  pages  can  here  of  course  be  but  slightly 
touched  upon,  but  the  reader  may  turn  to  his 
interesting  narrative  for  such  more  particular  infor- 
mation as  space  excludes  from  these  pages. 

The  general  results  arrived  at  from  a  study  of  Sir 
Lambert  Playfair's  researches  are  painful  to  English 
self-respect.  It  is  possible  that  our  consuls  were  not 
always  wisely  chosen,  and  it  was  a  vital  defect  in  our 
early  consular  system  that  our  agents  were  allowed 
to  trade.  Mercantile  interests,  especially  in  a  Corsair 
state,  are  likely  to  clash  with  the  duties  of  a  consul. 
Some  consuls,  moreover,  were  clearly  unfitted  for 
their  posts.  Of  one  it  is  recorded  that  he  drank  to 
excess  ;  another  is  described  as  "  a  litigious  limb  of 
the  law,  who  values  himself  upon  having  practised 
his  talents  in  that  happy  occupation  with  success, 
against  every  man  that  business  or  occasion  gave  him 
dealings  with  ; "  a  third  is  represented  as  "  sitting  on 
his  bed,  with  his  sword  and  a  brace  of  pistols  at  his 
side,  calling  for  a  clergyman  to  give  him  the  Sacra- 
1  London  :  Smith  and  Elder,  1884. 


262  THE  ABASEMEXT  OE  EUROPE. 


merits  that  he  may  die  contented."  Still,  in  the  long 
list  of  consuls,  the  majority  were  honourable,  up- 
right men,  devoted  to  their  country,  and  anxious 
to  uphold  her  interests  and  rights.  How  were 
they  rewarded?  If  their  own  government  resented 
a  single  act  of  the  ferocious  monster  they  called 
the  Dey — who  was  any  common  Janissary  chosen  by 
his  comrades  1 — the  consul  went  in  fear  of  his  life, 
nay,  sometimes  was  positively  murdered.  If  he  was 
a  strong-minded,  courageous  man,  and  refused  to 
stoop  to  the  degradation  which  was  expected  of  him 
at  the  Dey's  palace,  he  could  not  reckon  on  support 
at  home  ;  he  might  be  recalled,  or  his  judgment 
reversed,  or  he  might  even  pull  down  the  consular 
flag  only  to  see  it  run  up  again  by  a  more  tem- 
porising successor,  appointed  by  a  government  which 
had  already  endorsed  his  own  resistance.  He  might 
generously  become  surety  for  thousands  of  pounds 
of  ransoms  for  English  captives,  and  never  receive 
back  a  penny  from  home.  Whatever  happened,  the 
consul  was  held  responsible  by  the  Algerines,  and  on 
the  arrival  of  adverse  news  a  threatening  crowd  would 

1  Up  to  1618  Algiers  was  governed  by  a  Pasha  directly  appointed  by 
the  Sultan  ;  from  1618  the  Pasha  was  chosen  by  the  Janissaries  and 
other  militia  subject  to  the  veto  of  the  Sultan  ;  in  167 1  the  Janissaries  first 
elected  a  Dey  out  of  their  own  number,  every  soldier  being  eligible, 
and  their  Dey  soon  made  the  Sultan's  Pasha  a  lay  figure  ;  in  1710 
the  two  offices  were  united  in  a  Dey  chosen  by  the  soldiery.  These 
parvenus  were  by  no  means  ashamed  of  their  origin  or  principles. 
Mohammed  Dey  (1720),  getting  into  a  passion  with  the  French  consul, 
exclaimed  with  more  frankness  than  courtesy:  "My  mother  sold  sheeps' 
feet,  and  my  father  sold  neats'  tongues,  but  they  would  have  been 
ashamed  to  expose  for  sale  so  worthless  a  tongue  as  thine."  Another 
time  the  Dey  confessed  with  dignified  naivete  to  Consul  Cole  :  "  The 
Algerines  are  a  company  of  rogues — and  I  am  their  Captain  I" 


SUFFERINGS  OF  CONSULS. 


263 


surround  his  house.  Sometimes  the  consul  and  every 
Englishman  in  Algiers  would  be  seized  and  thrown 
into  prison,  and  their  effects  ransacked,  and  never  a 
chance  of  restitution.  Many  were  utterly  ruined  by 
the  extortions  of  the  Dey  and  governors.  Heavy 
bribes — called  "  the  customary  presents  " — had  to  be 
distributed  on  the  arrival  of  each  fresh  consul ;  and 
it  is  easy  to  understand  that  the  Dey  took  care  that 
they  did  not  hold  the  office  too  long.  The  govern- 
ment presents  were  never  rich  enough,  and  the 
unlucky  consul  had  to  make  up  the  deficit  out  of  his 
own  pocket.  The  Dey  would  contemptuously  hand 
over  a  magnificently  jewelled  watch  to  his  head  cook 
in  the  presence  of  the  donor ;  and  no  consul  was 
received  at  the  Palace  until  the  "  customary  presents  " 
were  received.  The  presence  of  a  remonstrating 
admiral  in  the  bay  was  a  new  source  of  danger  ;  for 
the  consul  would  probably  be  thrown  into  prison  and 
his  family  turned  homeless  into  the  streets,  while  his 
dragoman  received  a  thousand  stripes  of  the  bas- 
tinado. When  the  French  shelled  Algiers  in  1683, 
the  Vicar  Apostolic,  Jean  de  Vacher,  who  was  acting 
as  consul,  and  had  worked  untiringly  among  the  poor 
captives  for  thirty-six  years,  was,  by  order  of  Mez- 
zomorto,  with  many  of  his  countrymen,  blown  from 
the  cannon's  mouth  ; 1  and  the  same  thing  happened 
to  his  successor  in  1688,  when  forty-eight  other 
Frenchmen  suffered  the  same  barbarous  death.  The 
most  humiliating  etiquette  was  observed  in  the  Dey's 
court :  the  consul  must  remove  his  shoes  and  sword, 
and  reverently  kiss  the  rascal's  hand.     The  Hon. 

1  Several  Voyages,  III  AT. 


264  THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


Archibald  Campbell  Fraser,  in  1767,  was  the  first 
consul  who  flatly  refused  to  pay  this  unparalleled  act 
of  homage,  and  he  was  told,  in  a  few  years,  that  the 
Dey  had  no  occasion  for  him,  and  he  might  go — as  if 
he  were  the  Dey's  servant.  "  Dear  friend  of  this  our 
kingdom,"  wrote  that  potentate  to  H.  M.  George  III. 
of  England,  "  I  gave  him  my  orders, — and  he  was 
insolent ! "  Mr.  Fraser  went,  but  was  sent  back  to 
be  reinstated  by  a  squadron  of  His  Majesty's  ships. 
Admiral  Sir  Peter  Denis  sailed  into  Algiers  Bay,  and 
having  ascertained  that  the  Dey  would  not  consent 
to  receive  Mr.  Fraser  again,  sailed  out  again.  His 
Majesty's  Government  expressed  themselves  as  com- 
pletely satisfied  with  the  admiral's  action,  and  resolved 
to  leave  the  Dey  to  his  reflections.  Finally,  in  the 
very  next  year,  King  George  accepts  his  friend  of 
Algiers'  excuses,  and  appoints  a  new  consul,  specially 
charged  "  to  conduct  himself  in  a  manner  agreeable 
to  you."  The  nation  paid  a  pension  of  ,£600  a  year 
to  Mr.  Fraser  as  indemnity  for  its  Government's 
poltroonery. 

Every  fresh  instance  of  submission  naturally 
swelled  the  overweening  insolence  of  the  Deys.  A 
consul  had  a  Maltese  cook  :  the  Dey  objected  to  the 
Maltese,  and  took  the  man  by  force  from  the  consul's 
house  and  sent  him  away  in  irons.  If  the  consul 
objected,  he  might  go  too.  When  Captain  Hope,  of 
H.M.S.  Romulus,  arrived  at  Algiers,  he  received  no 
salute  ;  the  consul  was  ordered  to  go  aboard,  leaving 
his  very  linen  behind  him  ;  and  frigate  and  consul 
were  ordered  out  of  the  harbour.  Consul  Falcon,  so 
late  as  1803,  was  arrested  on  a  trumped-up  charge, 


DARING  OF  THE  PIRATES. 


265 


and  forcibly  expelled  the  city  :  truly  Consul  Cart- 
wright  might  describe  the  consular  office  of  Algiers 
as  "  the  next  step  to  the  infernal  regions."  In  1808, 
merely  because  the  usual  tribute  was  late,  the  Danish 
consul  was  seized  and  heavily  ironed,  made  to  sleep 
in  the  common  prison,  and  set  to  labour  with  the 
slaves.  The  whole  consular  body  rose  as  one  man 
and  obtained  his  release,  but  his  wife  died  from  the 
shock.  A  French  consul  about  the  same  time  died 
from  similar  treatment. 

Were  all  these  consuls  maltreated  for  mere  obstinacy 
about  trifles  ?  The  records  of  piracy  will  answer  that 
question.  So  early  as  1582,  when  England  was  at 
peace  with  the  Porte  (and  as  she  continued  to  be  for 
220  years),  gentlemen  of  good  birth  began  to  find  a 
voyage  in  the  Mediterranean  a  perilous  adventure. 
Two  Scottish  lairds,  the  Masters  of  Morton  and  Oli- 
phant,  remained  for  years  prisoners  at  Algiers.  Sir 
Thomas  Roe,  proceeding  to  his  post  as  ambassador  at 
Constantinople,  said  that  unless  checked  the  Algerine 
pirates  will  brave  even  the  armies  of  kings  at  sea, 
and  endanger  the  coasts  [which  would  have  been  no 
new  thing],  and  reported  that  their  last  cruise  had 
brought  in  forty-nine  British  vessels,  and  that  there 
would  soon  be  one  thousand  English  slaves  in  Algiers  : 
the  pirates  were  even  boasting  that  they  would  go 
to  England  and  fetch  men  out  of  their  beds,  as  it  was 
their  habit  to  do  in  Spain.  And  indeed  it  was  but  a 
few  years  later  that  they  sacked  Baltimore  in  County 
Cork,  and  literally  carried  out  their  threat.  The 
Corsairs'  galleons  might  be  sighted  at  any  moment 
off  Plymouth  Hoe  or  Hartland  Point,  and  the  worthy 


266 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


merchants  of  Bristol,  commercial  princes  in  their  way, 
dared  not  send  their  richly  laden  bottoms  to  sea  for 
fear  of  a  brush  with  the  enemy. 

The  Reverend  Devereux  Spratt  was  captured  off 
Youghal  as  he  was  crossing  only  from  Cork  to  Bristol, 
and  so  distressed  was  the  good  man  at  the  miserable 
condition  of  many  of  the  slaves  at  Algiers,  that  when  he 
was  ransomed  he  yielded  to  their  entreaties  and  stayed 
a  year  or  two  longer  to  comfort  them  with  his  holy 
offices.1  It  was  ministrations  such  as  his  that  were 
most  needed  by  the  captives  :  of  bodily  ill-treatment 
they  had  little  to  complain,  but  alienation  from  their 
country,  the  loss  of  home  and  friends,  the  terrible  fate 
too  often  of  wife  and  children  —these  were  the  instru- 
ments of  despair  and  disbelief  in  God's  providence,  and 
for  such  as  were  thus  tormented  the  clergyman  was 
a  minister  of  consolation.  In  the  sad  circle  of  the 
captives  marriages  and  baptisms  nevertheless  took 
place,  and  some  are  recorded  in  the  parish  register  of 
Castmell,  Lancashire,  as  having  been  performed  in 
"  Argeir  "  by  Mr.  Spratt. 

Matters  went  from  bad  to  worse.  Four  hundred 
British  ships  were  taken  in  three  or  four  years  before 
1622.  Petitions  went  up  to  the  Houses  of  Parliament 
from  the  ruined  merchants  of  the  great  ports  of 
England.  Imploring  letters  came  in  from  poor  Consul 
Frizell,  who  continued  to  plead  for  succour  for  twenty 
years,  and  then  disappeared,  ruined  and  unaided. 
Touching  petitions  reached  England  from  the  poor 
captives  themselves, — English  seamen  and  captains, 

1  See  his  descendant  Adm.  Spratt's  Travels  and  Researches  in 
Crete,  i.  384-7. 


RANSOM  OF  CAPTIVES. 


267 


or  plain  merchants  bringing  home  their  wealth, 
now  suddenly  arrested  and  stripped  of  all  they  pos- 
sessed :  piteous  letters  from  out  the  very  bagnios 
themselves,  full  of  tears  and  entreaties  for  help.  In  the 
fourth  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century  there  were 
three  thousand  husbands  and  fathers  and  brothers  in 
Algerine  prisons,  and  it  was  no  wonder  that  the  wives 
and  daughters  thronged  the  approaches  to  the  House 
of  Commons  and  besieged  the  members  with  their 
prayers  and  sobs. 

Every  now  and  then  a  paltry  sum  was  doled  out  by 
Government  for  the  ransom  of  slaves,  whose  capture 
was  due  to  official  supineness ;  and  we  find  the 
House  of  Lords  subscribing  nearly  ,£3,000  for  the 
same  object.  In  the  first  quarter  of  the  seventeenth 
century  240  British  slaves  were  redeemed  for  £1,200  ; 
and  the  Algerines,  who  looked  upon  the  whole  matter 
in  a  businesslike  spirit,  not  only  were  willing  to  give 
every  facility  for  their  purchase,  but  even  sent  a 
special  envoy  to  the  Court  of  St.  James's  to  forward 
the  negotiations.  Towards  the  middle  of  the  century 
a  good  many  more  were  rescued  by  Edmond  Casson  as 
agent  for  the  Government.  Alice  Hayes  of  Edinburgh 
was  ransomed  for  1,100  double  pesetas  (two  francs 
each),  Sarah  Ripley  of  London  for  800,  a  Dundee 
woman  for  only  200,  others  for  as  much  as  1,390  ; 
while  men  generally  fetched  about  500. 1  Sometimes, 
but  very  rarely,  the  captives  made  their  own  escape. 
The  story  is  told  by  Purchas  2  of  four  English  youths 
who  were  left  on  board  a  prize,  the  Jacob  of  Bristol, 
to  help  a  dozen  Turkish  captors  to  navigate  her,  and 

1  PLAYFAIR,  64  ff.  2  Voyages,  ii.  887. 


268 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


who  threw  the  captain  overboard,  killed  three  more, 
drove  the  rest  under  hatches,  and  sold  them  for  a 
round  sum  in  the  harbour  of  San  Lucar  by  Cadiz. 
Even  more  exciting  were  the  adventures  of  William 
Okeley,  who  in  1639  was  taken  on  board  the  Mary 
bound  for  the  West  Indies,  when  but  six  days  from 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  His  master,  a  Moor,  gave  him 
partial  liberty,  and  allowed  him  to  keep  a  wineshop, 
in  consideration  of  a  monthly  payment  of  two  dollars  ; 
and  in  the  cellar  of  his  shop  the  slave  secretly  con- 
structed a  light  canoe  of  canvas,  while  the  staves  of 
empty  winepipes  furnished  the  oars.  These  he  and 
his  comrades  smuggled  down  to  the  beach,  and  five  of 
them  embarked  in  the  crazy  craft,  which  bore  them 
safely  to  Majorca.  The  hardest  part  was  the  farewell 
to  two  more  who  were  to  have  accompanied  them,  but 
were  found  to  overweight  the  little  boat. 

Several  other  narratives  of  successful  escapes  may 
be  read  in  the  volume  of  voyages  published  by  the 
Redemptionist  Fathers,  and  translated  by  Joseph 
Morgan.    One  at  least  is  worth  quoting  : 

"A  good  number,  of  different  nations,  but  mostly 
Majorcans,  conspired  to  get  away  by  night  with  a 
row-boat  [i.e.,  brigantine]  ready  for  the  cruise  :  they 
were  in  all  about  seventy.  Having  appointed  a  place 
of  rendezvous,  at  dead  of  night  they  got  down  through 
a  sewer  into  the  port :  but  the  dogs,  which  are  there 
very  numerous,  ran  barking  at  them  ;  some  they  killed 
with  clubs  and  stones.  At  this  noise,  these  who  were 
on  guard,  as  well  ashore  as  in  the  ships,  bawled  out 
with  all  their  might, '  Christians  !  Christians  ! '  They 
then  assembled  and  ran  towards  the  noise.  And  forty 


ADMIRAL  BLAKE. 


of  the  slaves  having  entered  the  fregata,  or  row-boat, 
and  being  stronger  than  those  who  guarded  her,  they 
threw  them  all  into  the  sea  ;  and  it  being  their  busi- 
ness to  hasten  out  of  the  port,  embarrassed  with 
cables  of  the  many  ships  which  then  quite  filled  it, 
and  as  they  were  desirous  of  taking  the  shortest  cut, 
they  took  the  resolution  of  leaping  all  into  the  water, 
hoisting  up  the  boat  on  their  shoulders,  and  wading 
with  it  till  clear  of  all  those  cables.  Spite  of  the 
efforts  to  prevent  their  design,  they  made  out  to  sea, 
and  soon  reached  Majorca.  On  hearing  this  the  Dey 
cried  out,  '  I  believe  these  dogs  of  Christians  will 
come  one  day  or  other  and  take  us  out  of  our 
houses ! '"  1 

Ransoms  and  escapes  were  more  than  made  up  by 
fresh  captures.  In  1655,  indeed,  Admiral  Blake,  after 
trying  to  bring  the  Tunisians  to  terms,  ran  into  the 
harbour  of  Porto  Farina  on  the  3rd  of  April,  where 
the  fleet  of  the  Bey,  consisting  of  nine  vessels,  was 
anchored  close  in  under  the  guns  of  the  forts  and 
earthworks,  and  under  a  heavy  fire  he  burnt  every  one 
of  them  :  then  proceeding  to  Algiers,  found  the  city  in 
such  consternation  that  he  liberated  the  whole  body 
of  British  slaves  (English,  Scots,  Irish,  and  Channel 
Islanders)  for  a  trifling  sum.  Nevertheless,  four  years 
later,  the  Earl  of  Inchiquin,  notorious  as  "  Morough 
of  the  Burnings,"  from  his  manner  of  making  war,  and 
his  son,  Lord  O'Brien,  were  caught  off  the  Tagus  while 
engaged  in  one  of  those  foreign  services  in  which 
royalists  were  apt  to  enlist  during  the  troubles  at 
home,  and  it  took  the  Earl  seven  or  eight  months' 

1  Several  Voyages,  57-8. 


270 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


captivity  and  7,500  crowns  to  obtain  his  release.  In 
the  following  century  the  remnant  of  the  brave 
Hibernian  Regiment,  on  its  way  from  Italy,  was  sur- 
rounded and  overcome,  to  the  number  of  abcut  eighty, 
and  was  treated  with  peculiar  barbarity.  It  was  no 
rare  thing  to  see  British  ships — once  even  a  sloop  of 
war — brought  captive  into  Algiers  harbour,  on  some 
pretext  of  their  papers  being  out  of  form  ;  and  the 
number  of  slaves  continued  to  increase,  in  spite  of  the 
philanthropic  efforts  of  some  of  the  wealthy  merchants, 
like  William  Bowtell,  who  devoted  themselves  to  the 
humane  attempt. 

Very  often  it  was  the  captive's  own  fault  that  he 
was  taken.  Frequently  he  was  serving  on  a  vessel 
of  a  power  then  at  war  with  Algiers.  The  system  of 
passes  for  the  Mediterranean  opened  the  way  to  a 
good  deal  of  knavery  ;  ships  sailed  under  false  colours, 
or,  being  themselves  at  war  with  Algiers,  carried  passes 
purchased  from  her  allies.  The  Algerines  were  shy 
of  contracting  too  many  alliances,  lest  there  should  be 
no  nation  to  prey  upon,  and  we  read  of  a  solemn 
debate  in  the  Divan  to  decide  which  nation  should  be 
broken  with,  inasmuch  as  the  slave  masters  were  be- 
coming bankrupt  from  the  pacific  relations  of  the 
State.  This  was  when  the  cupidity  of  the  Dey  had 
led  him  to  accept  a  heavy  bribe  from  Sweden  in 
return  for  his  protection,  and  the  Corsairs  rushed 
excitedly  to  the  palace  declaring  that  they  had  already 
too  many  allies :  "  Neither  in  the  ocean  nor  narrow 
sea  can  we  find  scarce  any  who  are  not  French,  Eng- 
lish, or  Dutch  ;  nothing  remains  for  us  to  do,  but 
either  to  sell  our  ships  for  fuel,  and  return  to  our 


COUNTERFEIT  PASSES. 


271 


primitive  camel-driving,  or  to  break  with  one  of  these 
nations." 1  Thus  there  was  generally  one  favoured 
nation — or  perhaps  two — to  whom  the  Algerines 
accorded  the  special  favour  of  safe-conducts  over 
the  Mediterranean,  and  it  was  the  object  of  all 
other  traders  to  borrow  or  buy  these  free  passes 
from  their  happy  possessors.  The  Algerines  were 
not  unnaturally  incensed  at  finding  themselves 
cheated  by  means  of  their  own  passes.  "  As  for  the 
Flemings,"  complained  the  Corsairs,  "  they  are  a  good 
people  enough,  never  deny  us  anything,  nor  are  they 
worse  than  their  word,  like  the  French  ;  but  they 
certainly  play  foul  tricks  upon  us,  in  selling  their 
passes  to  other  infidels  :  For  ever  since  we  made  peace 
with  them,  we  rarely  light  on  either  Swede,  Dane, 
Hamburgher,  &c.  All  have  Dutch  complexions ;  all 
Dutch  passes  ;  all  call  each  other  Hans,  Hans,  and  all 
say  Yaw,  Yaw  !  " 

Many  of  these  counterfeit  allies  carried  English 
seamen,  and  such,  not  being  under  their  own  colours, 
were  liable  to  be  detained  in  slavery.  So  numerous 
was  this  class  of  captives  that,  although  in  1694  it 
was  reported  that  no  Englishmen  captured  under 
the  British  flag  remained  in  slavery  in  Algiers,  there 
was  ample  application  soon  afterwards  for  Betton's 
beneficial  bequest  of  over  £21,000  for  the  purpose 
of  ransoming  British  captives. 

Expedition  after  expedition  was  sent  to  argue,  to 
remonstrate,  to  threaten,  with  literally  no  result. 
Ambassador  after  ambassador  came  and  went,  and 
made  useless  treaties,  and  still  the  Algerines  main- 
1  Morgan,  Pref.  v,  vi. 


272 


THE  ABASEMENT  OF  EUROPE. 


tained  the  preposterous  right  to  search  British  vessels 
at  sea,  and  take  from  them  foreigners  and  goods. 
Sir  Robert  Mansell  first  arrived  in  1620  with  eighteen 
ships  and  five  hundred  guns,  manned  by  2,600 
men  ;  and  accomplished  nothing.  As  soon  as  they 
turned  their  backs  the  pirates  took  forty  British 
ships.  Sir  Thomas  Roe  made  a  treaty,  which  turned 
out  to  be  waste  paper.  Blake  frightened  the  Corsairs 
for  the  moment.  The  Earl  of  Winchelsea,  in  1660, 
admitted  the  right  of  search.  Lord  Sandwich  in  the 
following  year  cannonaded  Algiers  without  result 
from  a  safe  distance.  Four  times  Sir  Thomas  Allen 
brought  his  squadron  into  the  bay,  and  four  times 
sailed  he  out,  having  gained  half  his  purpose,  and 
twice  his  desert  of  insult :  "  These  men,"  cried  Ali 
Aga,  "  talk  as  if  they  were  drunk,  and  would  force 
us  to  restore  their  subjects  whether  they  will  or  no ! 
Bid  them  begone."  1  The  only  satisfactory  event  to 
be  reported  after  fifty  years  of  fruitless  expeditions  is 
Sir  E.  Spragg's  attack  on  the  Algerine  fleet,  beached 
under  the  guns  of  Bujeya  :  like  Blake,  he  sent  in  a 
fireship  and  burnt  the  whole  squadron.  Whereupon 
the  Janissaries  rose  in  consternation,  murdered  their 
Aga,  and,  carrying  his  head  to  the  Palace,  insisted 
on  peace  with  England. 

It  was  a  very  temporary  display  of  force.  Five 
years  later  Sir  John  Narborough,  instead  of  bom- 
barding, was  meekly  paying  sixty  thousand  "pieces 
of  eight "  to  the  Algerines  for  slaves  and  presents. 
In  1681  Admiral  Herbert,  afterwards  Lord  Torring- 
ton,  executed  various  amicable  cruises  against  the 
1  Playfair,  94. 


DESULTORY  EXPEDITIONS. 


273 


Algerines.  In  1684  Sir  W.  Soame  with  difficulty 
extorted  a  salute  of  twenty-one  guns  to  His 
Britannic  Majesty's  flag.  And  so  the  weary  tale 
of  irresolution  and  weakness  went  on.  Admiral 
Keppel's  expedition  in  1749  is  chiefly  memorable 
for  the  presence  of  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  as  a  guest 
on  board  the  flagship  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  two 
sketches  reproduced  by  Sir  Lambert  Playfair  are 
from  his  pencil :  the  drawings  were  the  only  fruit  of 
the  cruise.  James  Bruce,  the  African  traveller,  as 
agent  or  consul-general  in  1763,  put  a  little  backbone 
into  the  communications,  but  he  soon  went  on  his 
travels,  and  then  the  old  fruitless  course  of  humble 
remonstrances  and  idle  demonstrations  went  on 
again.  Whenever  more  serious  attempts  were  made, 
the  preparations  were  totally  inadequate.  Spain, 
Portugal,  Naples,  and  Malta  sent  a  combined  fleet  in 
1784  to  punish  the  Algerines,  but  the  vessels  were  all 
small  and  such  as  the  Corsairs  could  tackle,  and  so 
feeble  and  desultory  was  the  attack  that,  after  a 
fortnight's  fooling,  the  whole  fleet  sailed  away. 


XX. 


THE   UNITED   STATES   AND  TRIPOLI. 
1803-5. 

THESE  dark  days  of  abasement  were  pierced  by 
one  ray  of  sunlight  ;  the  United  States  refused  the 
tribute  demanded  by  the  Karbary  Rovers.  From  its 
very  birth  the  new  nation  had,  in  common  with  all 
other  maritime  countries,  accepted  as  a  necessary  evil 
a  practice  it  was  now  full  time  to  abolish.  As  early 
as  1785  the  Dey  of  Algiers  found  in  American 
commerce  a  fresh  field  for  his  ploughing ;  and  of  all 
traders,  none  proved  so  welcome  as  that  which  boasted 
of  its  shipping,  yet  carried  not  an  ounce  of  shot  to 
defend  it.  Hesitating  protests  and  negotiations  were 
essayed  in  vain  ;  until  at  last  public  opinion  was  so 
aroused  by  the  sufferings  of  the  captives  as  to  demand 
of  Congress  the  immediate  construction  of  a  fleet. 
Ill  news  travels  apace,  and  the  rumours  of  these  pre- 
parations echoed  so  promptly  among  the  white  walls 
of  Algiers,  that  the  Dey  hastened  to  conclude  a 
treaty  ;  and  so,  long  before  the  frigates  were  launched, 


AMERICA  PAYS  BLACKMAIL. 


275 


immunity  was  purchased  by  the  payment  of  a  heavy 
tribute.  Like  all  cowardly  compromises,  this  one 
shaped  itself  into  a  two-edged  sword  ;  and  soon  every 
rover  from  Mogador  to  the  Gates  of  the  Bosphorus 
was  clamouring  for  backsheesh.  In  1800,  Yusuf,  the 
Pasha  of  Tripoli,  threatened  to  slip  his  falcons  upon 
the  western  quarry,  unless  presents,  similar  to  those 
given  by  England,  France,  and  Spain,  were  im- 
mediately sent  him.  He  complained  that  the 
American  Government  had  bribed  his  neighbours,  the 
cut-throats  of  Tunis,  at  a  higher  price,  and  he  saw 
no  reason  why,  like  his  cousin  of  Algiers,  he  should 
not  receive  a  frigate  as  hush-money.  His  answer  to 
a  letter  of  the  President,  containing  honeyed  pro- 
fessions of  friendship,  was  amusing.  "  We  would 
ask,"  he  said,  "  that  these  your  expressions  be 
followed  by  deeds,  and  not  by  empty  words.  You 
will,  therefore,  endeavour  to  satisfy  us  by  a  good 
manner  of  proceeding.  .  .  .  But  if  only  flattering 
words  are  meant  without  performance,  every  one  will 
act  as  he  finds  convenient.  We  beg  a  speedy  answer 
without  neglect  of  time,  as  a  delay  upon  your  part 
cannot  but  be  prejudicial  to  your  interests." 

The  Bey  of  Tunis  made  demands  no  less  arrogant. 
He  declared  that  Denmark,  Spain,  Sicily,  and  Sweden 
had  made  concessions  to  him,  and  then  he  announced  : 
"  It  would  be  impossible  to  keep  peace  longer,  unless 
the  President  sent  him  without  delay  ten  thousand 
stand  of  arms  and  forty  cannons  of  different  calibre. 
And  all  these  last  "  (he  added,  with  a  fine  Hiber- 
nicism)  "must  be  24-pounders."  Algiers  hinted  that 
her  money  was  in  arrears,  and  Morocco  intimated 


276         THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


that  her  delay  in  arranging  terms  was  due  simply  to 
the  full  consideration  which  she  was  giving  to  a  matter 
so  important. 

Whatever  other  faults  Yusuf  of  Tripoli  may  have 
had,  he  was  in  this  matter  as  good  as  his  word,  and 
the  six  months'  notice  having  been  fruitless,  he  pro- 
claimed war  on  May  14,  1801,  by  chopping  down  the 
flagstaff  of  the  American  Consulate.  But  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  was  weary  of  the  old 
traditions  followed  by  Christendom  in  its  dealings 
with  these  swashbucklers.  They  had  by  this  time 
afloat  a  small  but  effective  squadron,  and  were  very 
proud  of  the  successes  it  had  gained  in  the  guasi-w  ar 
with  France  just  ended.  They  were  tired  also  of 
a  policy  which  was  utterly  at  odds  with  their  boast 
that  all  men  were  born  free  and  equal,  and  the 
nation  was  roused  with  the  shibboleth  that  there 
were  "  millions  for  defence,  but  not  one  cent  for 
tribute." 

When  the  excitement  had  cooled,  however,  it 
seemed  as  if  there  was  as  usual  to  be  more  in  the 
promise  than  in  the  performance,  for,  though  a  force 
existed  sufficient  for  vigorous  and  decisive  action, 
nothing  was  accomplished  during  two  years  and  more. 
Of  the  three  squadrons  sent  out,  the  first,  under  Dale, 
was  hampered  by  the  narrow  restrictions  of  the 
President's  orders,  due  to  constitutional  scruples 
as  to  the  propriety  of  taking  hostile  measures  before 
Congress  had  declared  war  ;  and  the  second  was  un- 
fortunate in  its  commander,  though  individual  deeds 
reflected  the  greatest  credit  upon  many  of  the  subor- 
dinate officers.  In  1803  the  third  squadron  assembled 


COMMODORE  PREBLE. 


277 


at  Gibraltar  under  the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore 
Edward  Preble,  and  then  at  last  came  the  time  for 
vigorous  measures. 

The  flag-officer's  objective  point  was  Tripoli,  but 
hardly  were  his  ships  gathered  for  concerted  action, 
when  the  Philadelphia,  thirty-six  guns,  captured  off 
the  coast  of  Spain  the  Meshboa,  an  armed  cruiser 
which  belonged  to  Morocco,  and  had  in  company  as 
prize  the  Boston  brig  Celia.  Of  course  it  was  of  the 
highest  importance  to  discover  upon  what  authority 
the  capture  had  been  made  ;  but  the  Moorish  com- 
mander lied  loyally,  and  swore  that  he  had  taken  the 
Celia  in  anticipation  of  a  war  which  he  was  sure  had 
been  declared,  because  of  the  serious  misunderstand- 
ing existing  when  he  was  last  in  port  between  his 
Emperor  and  the  American  consul.  This  story  was 
too  improbable  to  be  believed,  and  Captain  Bain- 
bridge  of  the  Philadelphia  threatened  to  hang  as  a 
common  pirate  the  mendacious  Rei's  Ibrahim  Lubarez 
unless  he  showed  his  commission.  When  the  rover 
saw  this  menace  did  not  issue  in  idleness,  he  confessed 
he  had  been  mistaken,  and  that  he  had  been  ordered  by 
the  Governor  of  Tangiers  to  capture  American  vessels. 
This  made  the  matter  one  which  required  decisive 
action,  and  so  the  prize  was  towed  to  Gibraltar, 
and  Preble  sailed  for  Tangiers  to  demand  satisfaction. 
There  was  the  usual  interchange  of  paper  bullets 
and  of  salutes  ;  but,  in  the  end,  the  aggressive  Com- 
modore prevailed.  The  Emperor  expressed  his  regret 
for  the  hostile  acts,  and  disowned  them ;  he  punished 
the  marauders,  released  all  vessels  previously  captured, 
agreed  to  ratify  the  treaty  made  by  his  father  in  1786, 


278         THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


and  added  that  "  his  friendship  for  America  should 
last  for  ever." 

This  affair  being  settled,  Preble  detailed  the  Phila- 
delphia and  Vixen  for  the  blockade  of  Tripoli, 
and  then,  as  the  season  was  too  advanced  for  further 
operations,  began  preparations  for  the  repairs  and 
equipment  needed  for  the  next  season. 

The  work  assigned  to  the  Philadelphia  and  Vixen 
was  rigorous,  for  the  coast — fretted  with  shoals,  reefs, 
and  unknown  currents,  and  harassed  by  sudden 
squalls,  strong  gales,  and  bad  holding  grounds — 
demanded  unceasing  watchfulness,  and  rendered 
very  difficult  the  securing  of  proper  food  and  ship's 
stores  from  the  distance  of  the  supplying  base.  Bad 
as  this  was  in  the  beginning,  it  became  worse  when  in 
October  the  Vixeti  sailed  eastward  in  search  of  a 
Tripolitan  cruiser  which  was  said  to  have  slipped  past 
the  line  at  night,  for  then  the  whole  duty,  mainly 
in-shore  chasing,  fell  to  the  deep-draught  frigate.  It 
was  while  thus  employed  that  she  came  to  misfortune, 
as  Cooper  writes,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States 
Navy  :  "  Towards  the  last  of  October  the  wind, 
which  had  been  strong  from  the  westward  for  some 
time  previously,  drove  the  Philadelphia  a  considerable 
distance  to  the  eastward  of  the  town,  and  on  Monday, 
October  the  31st,  as  she  was  running  down  to  her 
station  again  with  a  fair  breeze,  about  nine  in  the 
morning  a  vessel  was  seen  inshore  and  to  windward, 
standing  for  Tripoli.  Sail  was  made  to  cut  her  off. 
Believing  himself  tc  be  within  long  gun-shot  a  little 
before  eleven,  and  seeing  no  other  chance  of  over- 
taking the  stranger  in  the  short  distance  that  remained, 


LOSS  OF  THE  PHILADELPHIA.  2JQ 


Captain  Bainbridge  opened  fire  in  the  hope  of  cutting 
something  away.  For  near  an  hour  longer  the  chase 
and  the  fire  were  continued  ;  the  lead,  which  was  kept 
constantly  going,  giving  from  seven  to  ten  fathoms, 
and  the  ship  hauling  up  and  keeping  away  as  the 
water  shoaled  or  deepened.  At  half-past  eleven, 
Tripoli  then  being  in  plain  sight,  distant  a  little  more 
than  a  league,  (satisfied  that  he  could  neither  overtake 
the  chase  nor  force  her  ashore,)  Captain  Bainbridge 
ordered  the  helm  a-port  to  haul  directly  off  the  land 
into  deep  water.  The  next  cast  of  the  lead,  when  this 
order  was  executed,  gave  but  eight  fathoms,  and  this 
was  immediately  followed  by  casts  that  gave  seven 
and  six  and  a  half.  At  this  moment  the  wind  was 
nearly  abeam,  and  the  ship  had  eight  knots  way  upon 
her.  When  the  cry  of 'half-six'  was  heard,  the  helm 
was  put  hard  down  and  the  yards  were  ordered  to  be 
braced  sharp  up.  While  the  ship  was  coming  up  fast 
to  the  wind,  and  before  she  had  lost  her  way,  she 
struck  a  reef  forwards,  and  shot  on  it  until  she  lifted 
between  five  and  six  feet." 

Every  effort  was  made  to  get  her  off,  but  in  vain. 
The  noise  of  the  cannonading  brought  out  nine  gun- 
boats ;  and  then,  as  if  by  magic,  swarms  of  wreckers 
slipped  by  the  inner  edge  of  the  shore,  stole  from  some 
rocky  inlet, or  rushed  from  mole  and  galley,  and  keeping 
beyond  range,  like  vultures  near  a  battle-field,  awaited 
the  surrender  of  the  ship.  A  gallant  fight  was  made 
with  the  few  guns  left  mounted,  but  at  last  the  enemy 
took  up  a  position  on  the  ship's  weather  quarter, 
where  her  strong  heel  to  port  forbade  the  bearing  of 
a  single  piece.    "The  gun-boats,"  continues  the  his- 


280         THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


torian,  "  were  growing  bolder  every  minute,  and  night 
was  at  hand.  Captain  Bainbridge,  after  consulting 
again  with  his  officers,  felt  it  to  be  an  imperious  duty 
to  haul  down  his  flag,  to  save  the  lives  of  his  people. 
Before  this  was  done  the  magazines  were  drowned, 
holes  were  bored  in  the  ship's  bottom,  the  pumps 
were  choked,  and  everything  was  performed  that  it 
was  thought  would  make  sure  the  final  loss  of  the 
vessel.  About  five  o'clock  the  colours  were  lowered." 
The  ship  was  looted,  the  officers  and  men  were  robbed, 
half  stripped  in  some  cases,  and  that  night  the  crew 
was  imprisoned  in  a  foul  Tripolitan  den.  Within  a 
week  the  rovers,  aided  by  favourable  winds  and  un- 
usual tides,  not  only  got  the  Philadelpliia  afloat,  but, 
as  the  scuttling  had  been  hastily  done,  towed  her 
into  port,  and  weighed  all  the  guns  and  anchors  that 
lay  in  shallow  water  on  the  reef.  The  ship  was 
immediately  repaired,  the  guns  were  re-mounted,  and 
the  gallant  but  unfortunate  Bainbridge  had  the  final 
misery  of  seeing  his  old  command  safely  moored  off 
the  town,  and  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 
Pasha's  castle. 

Preble  heard  of  this  catastrophe  from  an  English 
frigate  which  he  spoke  off  Sardinia  on  his  way  to 
Tripoli.  The  blow  was  a  severe  one,  for  the  ship 
represented  over  one-third  of  his  fighting  force,  and 
the  great  number  of  captives  gave  the  enemy  a 
material  and  sentimental  strength  which  he  would  be 
sure  to  use  pitilessly  in  all  future  negotiations.  But 
the  energetic  sailor  was  only  stimulated  by  the 
disaster  to  greater  exertions,  and  plans  were  imme- 
diately made  for  the  destruction  of  the  captured  ship. 


DECATUR. 


283 


Fortunately  there  was  no  lack  of  material,  and,  in 
selecting  the  leaders,  it  became  an  embarrassment  to 
decide  between  the  claims  of  the  volunteers.  Finally 
the  choice  fell  upon  Lieutenant  Stephen  Decatur. 
He  was  at  this  time  twenty-four  years  of  age,  and 
had  by  his  marked  qualities  so  distinguished  himself 
as  to  have  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Enterprise.  To  great  prudence,  self-control,  and  judg- 
ment, he  united  the  dash,  daring,  and  readiness  of 
resources  which  have  always  characterized  the  famous 
sailors  of  the  world  ;  and  in  the  victory  which  made 
his  name  renowned  in  naval  annals,  he  displayed 
these  qualities  in  such  a  high  degree  as  to  deserve  the 
greatest  credit  for  what  he  achieved  as  well  as  for  what, 
under  great  temptation,  he  declined  to  do. 

After  taking  on  board  a  load  of  combustibles,  the 
Intrepid  sailed  from  Syracuse  for  Tripoli  upon  the 
3rd  of  February,  1804.  The  ketch  itself  had  a 
varied  history,  for  she  was  originally  a  French  gun 
vessel,  which  had  been  captured  by  the  English 
in  Egypt  and  presented  to  Tripoli,  and  which 
finally  was  seized  by  Decatur  while  running  for 
Constantinople  with  a  present  of  female  slaves  for  the 
Grand  Vizir.  The  brig  Siren,  Lieutenant  Charles 
Stewart,  commanding,  convoyed  the  expedition,  and 
had  orders  to  cover  the  retreat,  and  if  feasible  to 
assist  the  attack  with  its  boats.  In  affairs  of  this  kind 
personal  comfort  is  always  the  least  consideration,  but 
had  not  the  weather  been  pleasant,  the  hardships 
endured  might  seriously  have  affected  the  success  of 
the  enterprise.  The  five  commissioned  officers  were 
crowded  in  the  small  cabin  ;  the  midshipmen  and 


284         THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


pilot  on  one  side,  and  the  seamen  upon  the  other, 
were  stowed  like  herrings  upon  "  a  platform  laid 
across  water-casks,  whose  surface  they  completely 
covered  when  they  slept,  and  at  so  small  a  distance 
below  the  spar  deck  that  their  heads  would  reach  it 
when  seated."  To  these  inconveniences  were  added 
the  want  of  any  room  for  exercise  on  deck,  the 
attacks  of  innumerable  vermin  which  their  prede- 
cessors, the  slaves,  had  left  behind  them,  and  (as  the 
salted  meat  put  on  board  had  spoiled)  the  lack  of 
anything  but  biscuits  to  eat  and  water  to  drink. 

After  a  voyage  of  six  days  the  town  was  sighted, 
but  strong  winds  had  rendered  the  entrances 
dangerous,  and  the  heavy  gale  which  came  with 
night  drove  the  Americans  so  far  to  the  eastward 
before  it  abated  that  they  found  themselves  fairly 
embayed  in  the  Gulf  of  Sidra.  On  the  afternoon  of 
the  1 6th  Tripoli  was  once  more  made  out ;  and  as 
the  wind  was  light,  the  weather  pleasant,  and  the  sea 
smooth,  Decatur  determined  to  attack  that  night. 
By  arrangement  the  Siren  kept  almost  out  of  sight 
during  the  day,  and  her  appearance  was  so  changed 
as  to  lull  all  suspicion  of  her  true  character.  The 
lightness  of  the  wind  allowed  the  ketch  to  maintain 
the  appearance  of  an  anxious  desire  to  reach  the 
harbour  before  night,  without  bringing  her  too  near 
to  require  any  other  change  than  the  use  of  drags 
(in  this  case  buckets  towed  astern)  which  could  not 
be  seen  from  the  city.  The  crew  was  kept  below, 
excepting  six  or  eight  persons  at  a  time,  so  that 
inquiry  might  not  be  awakened  by  unusual  numbers  ; 
and  such  men  remained  on  deck  as  were  dressed 


DECATUR'S  ENTERPRISE. 


285 


like  Maltese.  When  the  PhiladelpJiia  was  sighted, 
no  doubt  was  left  of  the  hazardous  nature  of  the 
attack,  for  she  lay  a  mile  within  the  entrance,  riding 
to  the  wind  and  abreast  of  the  town.  Her  foremast, 
which  was  cut  away  while  on  the  reef,  had  not  yet 
been  replaced,  her  main  and  mizzen  masts  were 
housed,  and  her  lower  yards  were  on  the  gunwales. 
The  lower  standing  rigging,  however,  was  set  up,  and 
her  battery  was  loaded  and  shotted.  She  lay  with- 
in short  range  of  the  guns  on  the  castle,  on  the  mole- 
head,  and  in  the  New  Fort  ;  and  close  aboard  rode 
three  Tripolitan  cruisers  and  twenty  gun-boats  and 
galleys.  To  meet  and  overcome  this  force  Decatur 
had  a  few  small  guns  and  seventy  men,  but  these 
were  hearts  of  oak,  tried  in  many  a  desperate  under- 
taking, and  burning  now  to  redeem  their  country's 
honour. 

As  the  Intrepid  drew  in  with  the  land,  they  saw  that 
the  boiling  surf  of  the  western  passage  would  force 
them  to  select  the  northern  entrance,  which  twisted 
and  turned  between  the  rocks  and  the  shoals.  It 
was  now  nearly  ten  o'clock,  and  as  the  ketch  drifted 
in  before  the  light  easterly  breeze  she  seemed  a 
modest  trader  bent  upon  barter,  and  laden  with  any- 
thing but  the  hopes  of  a  nation. 

The  night  was  beautiful  ;  a  young  moon  sailed  in 
the  sky  ;  the  lights  from  wall  and  tower  and  town, 
and  from  the  ships  lazily  rocking  at  the  anchorages, 
filled  the  water  with  a  thousand  points  of  fire.  The 
gentle  breeze  wafted  the  little  craft  past  reefs  and 
rocks  into  the  harbour  noiselessly,  save  for  the  creak- 
ing of  the  yards,  the  complainings  of  the  block,  the 


286 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


wimple  of  wavelets  at  the  bow,  and  the  gurgle  of 
eddies  at  the  pintles  and  under  the  plashing  counter. 
On  deck  forward  only  a  few  figures  were  silhouetted 
against  the  background  of  white  wall  and  grayish 
sky  ;  and  aft  Decatur  and  the  pilot  stood  conning 
the  ship  as  it  stole  slowly  for  the  frigate's  bow. 

Owing  to  the  ketch's  native  rig,  and  to  the  glib 
Tripolitanese  of  the  Sicilian  pilot,  no  suspicion  was 
excited  in  the  Philadelphia  s  watch  by  the  answer  to 
their  hail  that  she  had  lost  her  anchors  in  a  gale  and 
would  like  to  run  a  line  to  the  war-ship  and  to  ride 
by  it  through  the  night.  So  completely  were  the 
Tripolitans  deceived  that  they  lowered  a  boat  and 
sent  it  with  a  hawser,  while  at  the  same  time  some 
of  the  Intrepid' s  crew  leisurely  ran  a  fast  to  the 
frigate's  fore-chains.  As  these  returned  they  met  the 
enemy's  boat,  took  its  rope,  and  passed  it  into  their 
own  vessel.  Slowly,  but  firmly,  it  was  hauled  upon 
by  the  men  on  board,  lying  on  their  backs,  and 
slowly  and  surely  the  Intrepid  was  warped  alongside. 
But  at  the  critical  moment  the  ruse  was  discovered, 
and  up  from  the  enemies'  decks  went  the  wolf-like 
howl  of  "  Americanos  !  Americanos  !  " 

The  cry  roused  the  soldiers  in  the  forts  and  bat- 
teries, and  the  chorus  these  awakened  startled  the 
Pasha  from  his  sleep,  and  thrilled  with  joy  the 
captive  Americans  behind  their  prison  walls. 

In  another  moment  the  Intrepid  had  swung  broad- 
side on,  and  quickly-passed  lashings  held  the  two 
ships  locked  in  a  deadly  embrace.  Then  Decatur's 
cry  of  "  board  "  rang  out,  and  with  a  quick  rush,  and  the 
discharge  of  only  a  single  gun,  the  decks  were  gained. 


BURNING  THE  PRIZE. 


287 


The  surprise  was  as  perfect  as  the  assault  was 
rapid,  and  the  Tripolitan  crew,  panic  stricken,  huddled 
like  rats  at  bay  awaiting  the  final  dash.  Decatur  had 
early  gathered  his  men  aft,  stood  a  moment  for  them 
to  gain  a  sight  of  the  enemy,  and  then,  with  the 
watchword  "  Philadelphia"  rushed  upon  the  rovers. 
No  defence  was  made,  for,  swarming  to  leeward;  they 
tumbled,  in  mad  affright,  overboard  ;  over  the  bows, 
through  gun-ports,  by  aid  of  trailing  halliards  and 
stranded  rigging,  out  of  the  channels,  pell-mell  by 
every  loop-hole  they  went — and  then,  such  as  could, 
swam  like  water-rats  for  the  friendly  shelter  of  the 
neighbouring  war-galleys. 

One  by  one  the  decks  and  holds  were  cleared,  and 
in  ten  minutes  Decatur  had  possession  of  the  ship, 
without  a  man  killed,  and  only  one  slightly  wounded. 
In  the  positions  selected  so  carefully  beforehand,  the 
appointed  divisions  assembled  and  piled  up  and  fired 
the  combustibles.  Each  party  acted  by  itself,  and  as 
it  was  ready ;  and  so  rapid  were  all  in  their  move- 
ments, that  those  assigned  to  the  after-holds  had 
scarcely  reached  the  cockpit  and  stern  store-rooms 
before  the  fires  were  lighted  over  their  heads.  Indeed, 
when  the  officer  entrusted  with  this  duty  had  com- 
pleted his  task,  he  found  the  after-hatches  so  filled 
with  smoke  from  the  fire  in  the  ward-room  and  steer- 
age, that  he  was  obliged  to  escape  to  the  deck  by  the 
forward  ladders. 

Satisfied  that  the  work  was  thoroughly  done,  the 
Americans  leaped  upon  the  Intrepid s  deck,  cut  with 
swords  and  axes  the  hawsers  lashing  them  to  the 
Philadelphia,  manned  the  sweeps,  and,  just  as  the 


288         THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


flames  were  scorching  their  own  yards  and  bulwarks, 
swung  clear.  Then  came  the  struggle  for  escape,  and 
this  last  scene  can  best  be  told,  perhaps,  in  the  words 
of  one  of  the  participants,  Commodore  Charles  Morriss, 
who  gave  on  that  night,  when  he  was  the  first  to 
board  the  Philadelphia,  the  earliest  proof  of  the  great 
qualities  which  afterwards  made  him  one  of  the  first 
sailors  of  his  time.  "  Up  to  this  time,"  he  wrote, 
"  the  ships  and  batteries  of  the  enemy  had  remained 
silent,  but  they  were  now  prepared  to  act ;  and  when 
the  crew  of  the  ketch  gave  three  cheers  in  exultation 
of  their  success,  they  received  the  return  of  a  general 
discharge  from  the  enemy.  The  confusion  of  the 
moment  probably  prevented  much  care  in  their 
direction,  and  though  under  the  fire  of  nearly  a 
hundred  pieces  for  half  an  hour,  the  only  shot  which 
struck  the  ketch  was  one  through  the  topgallant  sail. 
We  were  in  greater  danger  from  the  Philadelphia, 
whose  broadsides  commanded  the  passage  by  which 
we  were  retreating,  and  whose  guns  were  loaded,  and 
discharged  as  they  became  heated.  We  escaped  these 
also,  and  while  urging  the  ketch  onwards  with  sweeps, 
the  crew  were  commenting  upon  the  beauty  of  the 
spray  thrown  up  by  the  shot  between  us  and  the 
brilliant  light  of  the  ship,  rather  than  calculating  any 
danger  that  might  be  apprehended  from  the  contact. 
The  appearance  of  the  ship  was,  indeed,  magnificent. 
The  flames  in  the  interior  illuminated  her  ports,  and, 
ascending  her  rigging  and  masts,  formed  columns  of 
fire,  which,  meeting  the  tops,  were  reflected  into  beau- 
tiful capitals  ;  whilst  the  occasional  discharge  of  her 
guns  gave  an  idea  of  some  directing  spirit  within  her. 


ATTACK  ON  TRIPOLI. 


289 


The  walls  of  the  city  and  its  batteries,  and  the  masts 
and  rigging  of  cruisers  at  anchor,  brilliantly  illumi- 
nated and  animated  by  the  discharge  of  artillery, 
formed  worthy  adjuncts  and  an  appropriate  back- 
ground to  the  picture.  Fanned  by  a  light  breeze  our 
exertions  soon  carried  us  beyond  the  range  of  their 
shot,  and  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour  we  met  the 
boats  of  the  Siren,  which  had  been  intended  to  co- 
operate with  us,  and  whose  crew  rejoiced  at  our 
success,  whilst  they  grieved  at  not  having  been  able 
to  partake  in  it.  .  .  .  The  success  of  this  enterprise 
added  much  to  the  reputation  of  the  navy,  both  at 
home  and  abroad.  Great  credit  was  given,  and  was 
justly  due  to  Commodore  Preble,  who  directed  and 
first  designed  it,  and  to  Lieutenant  Decatur,  who 
volunteered  to  execute  it,  and  to  whose  coolness,  self- 
possession,  resources,  and  intrepidity  its  success  was, 
in  an  eminent  degree,  due." 

Commodore  Preble,  in  the  meantime,  hurried  his 
preparations  for  more  serious  work,  and  on  July  25th 
arrived  off  Tripoli  with  a  squadron,  consisting  of  the 
frigate  Constitution,  three  brigs,  three  schooners,  six 
gunboats,  and  two  bomb  vessels.  Opposed  to  him 
were  arrayed  over  a  hundred  guns  mounted  on  shore 
batteries,  nineteen  gunboats,  one  ten-gun  brig,  two 
schooners  mounting  eight  guns  each,  and  twelve 
galleys.  Between  August  3rd  and  September  3rd 
five  attacks  were  made,  and  though  the  town  was 
never  reduced,  substantial  damage  was  inflicted, 
and  the  subsequent  satisfactory  peace  rendered  pos- 
sible. Preble  was  relieved  by  Barron  in  September, 
not  because  of  any  loss  of  confidence  in  his  ability, 


2gO         THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  TRIPOLI. 


but  from  exigencies  of  the  service,  which  forbade  the 
Government  sending  out  an  officer  junior  to  him  in 
the  relief  squadron  which  reinforced  his  own.  Upon 
his  return  to  the  United  States  he  was  presented  with 
a  gold  medal,  and  the  thanks  of  Congress  were  ten- 
dered him,  his  officers,  and  men,  for  gallant  and 
faithful  services. 

The  blockade  was  maintained  vigorously,  and  in 
1805  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  Tripolitan  town 
of  Derna,  by  a  combined  land  and  naval  force  ;  the 
former  being  under  command  of  Consul-General 
Eaton,  who  had  been  a  captain  in  the  American 
army,  and  of  Lieutenant  O'Bannon  of  the  Marines. 
The  enemy  made  a  spirited  though  disorganized 
defence,  but  the  shells  of  the  war-ships  drove  them 
from  point  to  point,  and  finally  their  principal  work 
was  carried  by  the  force  under  O'Bannon  and 
Midshipman  Mann.  Eaton  was  eager  to  press 
forward,  but  he  was  denied  reinforcements  and 
military  stores,  and  much  of  his  advantage  was 
lost.  All  further  operations  were,  however,  discon- 
tinued in  June,  1805,  when,  after  the  usual  intrigues, 
delays,  and  prevarications,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  the 
Pasha,  which  provided  that  no  further  tribute  should 
be  exacted,  and  that  American  vessels  should  be  for 
ever  free  of  his  rovers.  Satisfactory  as  was  this  con- 
clusion, the  uncomfortable  fact  remains  that  tribute 
entered  into  the  settlement.  After  all  the  prisoners 
had  been  exchanged  man  for  man,  the  Tripolitan 
Government  demanded,  and  the  United  States  paid, 
the  handsome  sum  of  sixty  thousand  dollars  to  close 
the  contract. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE. 


291 


This  treaty,  however,  awakened  the  conscience  of 
Europe,  and  from  the  day  it  was  signed  the  power 
of  the  Barbary  Corsairs  began  to  wane.  The  older 
countries  saw  their  duty  more  clearly,  and  ceased  to 
legalize  robbery  on  the  high  seas.  To  America  the 
success  gave  an  immediate  position  which  could  not 
easily  have  been  gained  in  any  other  way,  and,  apart 
from  its  moral  results,  the  contest  with  Tripoli  was 
the  most  potent  factor  in  consolidating  the  navy  of 
the  United  States. 


XXI 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ALGIERS. 
1816 

NELSON  was  in  the  Mediterranean  at  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  as  every  one  knows,  but 
the  suppression  of  the  Barbary  Corsairs  formed  no 
part  of  his  instructions.  Twice,  indeed,  he  sent  a 
ship  of  war  to  inquire  into  the  complaints  of  the 
consuls,  but  without  effect ;  and  then  on  the  glorious 
Twenty-First  of  October,  1805,  the  great  admiral 
fell  in  the  supreme  hour  of  victory.  Collingwood 
made  no  attempt  to  deal  with  the  Algerine  difficulty, 
beyond  sending  a  civilian  agent  and  a  present  of  a 
watch,  which  the  Dey  consigned  to  his  cook.  The 
British  victories  appear  to  have  impressed  the  pirates' 
mind  but  slightly  ;  and  in  18 12  we  find  Mr.  A'Court 
(Lord  Heytesbury)  condescending  to  negotiate  terms 
between  the  Corsairs  and  our  allies  the  Portuguese, 
by  which  the  latter  obtained  immunity  from  molesta- 
tion and  the  release  of  their  countrymen  by  the 
payment  altogether  of  over  a  million  of  dollars,  and 
an  annual  tribute  of  $24,000. 

To  the  United  States  of  America  belongs  the 


U SITED  STATES  ASD  ALGIERS. 


203 


honour  of  having  first  set  an  example  of  spirited 
resistance  to  the  pretensions  of  the  Corsairs.  So 
long  as  they  had  been  at  war  with  Great  Britain,  the 
States  were  unable  to  protect  their  commerce  in  the 
Mediterranean  ;  and  they  were  forced  to  fall  in  with 
the  prevailing  custom  and  make  peace  with  the  rob- 
bers on  the  basis  of  a  bribe  over  a  million  of  Spanish 
dollars,  and  a  large  annual  tribute  in  money  and 
naval  stores.  But  as  soon  as  the  Treaty  of  Ghent 
set  them  free  in  181 5  they  sent  a  squadron  to  Algiers, 
bearing  Mr.  William  Shaler  as  American  consul,  and 
Captains  Bainbridge  and  Stephen  Decatur  as  his 
assessors  in  the  impending  negotiations.  The  result 
was  that  after  only  two  days  a  Treaty  was  concluded 
on  June  30,  181 5,  by  which  all  money  payment  was 
abolished,  all  captives  and  property  were  restored,  and 
the  United  States  were  placed  on  the  footing  of  the 
most  favoured  nation.  The  arguments  of  the  Ameri- 
cans appear  to  have  been  more  eloquent  than  British 
broadsides. 

Shamed  by  this  unexpected  success,  the  English 
Government  at  length  sent  Lord  Exmouth  (formerly 
Sir  Edward  Pellew)  to  obtain  favourable  terms  for 
some  of  the  minor  Mediterranean  Powers,  and  to 
place  the  Ionian  Islands,  as  British  dependencies,  on 
the  same  footing  as  England.  Yet  he  was  evidently 
not  authorized  to  proceed  to  extreme  measures  or 
demand  unconditional  surrender  of  existing  preten- 
sions. He  arranged  terms  for  Naples,  which  still 
included  tribute  and  presents.  Sardinia  escaped  for 
a  sum  down.  The  Ionians  were  admitted  on  the 
English  footing.    Then  Lord  Exmouth  went  on  to 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ALGIERS. 


Tunis  and  Tripoli,  and  obtained  from  the  two  Beys 
the  promise  of  the  total  abolition  of  Christian  slavery. 

His  proceedings  at  Tunis  were  marked  by  much 
firmness,  and  rewarded  with  commensurate  success. 
He  arrived  on  the  12th  of  April,  1816,  shortly  after  a 
Tunisian  Corsair,  in  devastating  one  of  the  Sardinian 
islands,  had  roused  the  indignation  of  Europe.  Lord 
Exmouth  demanded  nothing  less  than  the  total 
abolition  of  Christian  slavery.  "  It  happened  that  at 
this  very  time  Caroline,  Princess  of  Wales,  was 
enjoying  the  splendid  hospitality  of  Mahmud  Bey  in 
his  city  palace.  Neither  party  seemed  inclined  to 
yield,  and  matters  assumed  a  very  threatening  aspect. 
The  mediation  of  the  royal  guest  was  invoked  in 
vain  ;  Lord  Exmouth  was  inexorable.  The  Princess 
sent  the  greater  part  of  her  baggage  to  the  Goletta, 
the  British  merchants  hastened  to  embark  on  board 
the  vessels  of  the  squadron,  the  men-of-war  were 
prepared  for  action,  and  the  Bey  did  his  best  to  collect 
all  available  reinforcements.  The  excitement  in 
Tunis  was  immense,  and  a  pacific  solution  was  con- 
sidered almost  impossible.  On  the  16th  Lord 
Exmouth,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Consul-General 
Oglander  and  his  staff,  proceeded  to  the  Bardo 
Palace.  The  flagstaff  of  the  British  Agency  was 
previously  lowered  to  indicate  a  resolution  to  resort 
to  an  appeal  to  arms  in  case  of  failure,  and  the 
Princess  of  Wales  expected  every  hour  to  be  arrested 
as  a  hostage.  The  antecedents  of  the  Bey  were  not 
precisely  calculated  to  assuage  her  alarm,  but  Mahmud 
sent  one  of  his  officers  to  assure  her  that,  come  what 
might,  he  should  never  dream  of  violating  the  Moslem 


LORD  EXMOUTH  AT  TUNIS. 


295 


laws  of  hospitality.  While  the  messenger  was  still 
with  her,  Lord  Exmouth  entered  the  room  and 
announced  the  satisfactory  termination  of  his  mission. 
On  the  following  morning  the  Bey  signed  a  Treaty 
whereby  in  the  name  of  the  Regency  he  abolished 
Christian  slavery  throughout  his  dominions.  Among 
the  reasons  which  induced  the  Bey  to  yield  to  the 
pressure  used  by  Lord  Exmouth  was  the  detention  of 
the  Sultan's  envoy,  bearing  the  imperial  firman  and 
robe  of  investiture,  at  Syracuse.  The  Neapolitan 
Government  would  not  allow  him  to  depart  until  the 
news  of  the  successful  result  of  the  British  mission 
had  arrived,  and  Mahmud  felt  it  impossible  to  forego 
the  official  recognition  of  his  suzerain."  1 

The  wife  of  George  IV.  was  extremely  angry  at 
being  interrupted  in  a  delightful  course  of  entertain- 
ments, and  picnics  among  the  ruins  of  Carthage  and 
the  orange  groves,  whither  she  repaired  in  the  Bey's 
coach  and  six,  escorted  by  sixty  memluks.  The 
Tunisians  were,  of  course,  indignant  at  the  Bey's  sur- 
render, nor  did  piracy  cease  on  account  of  the  Treaty. 
Holland,  indeed,  repudiated  the  blackmail  in  1819, 
but  Sweden  still  paid  a  species  of  tribute  in  the  form 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  cannons  in  1827. 

Having  gained  his  point  at  Tunis  and  Tripoli 
— a  most  unexpected  triumph  —  Lord  Exmouth 
came  back  to  Algiers,  and  endeavoured  to  nego- 
tiate the  same  concessions  there,  coolly  taking  up 
his  position  within  short  range  of  the  batteries. 
His  proposals  were  indignantly  rejected,  and  he 
was  personally  insulted  ;  two  of  his  officers  were 
1  Broadi.ey,  85-6. 


296 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ALGIERS. 


dragged  from  their  horses  by  the  mob,  and  marched 
through  the  streets  with  their  hands  tied  behind  their 
backs  ;  the  consul,  Mr.  McDonell,  was  put  under 
guard,  and  his  wife  and  other  ladies  of  his  family- 
were  ignominiously  driven  into  the  town  from  the 
country  house.1  Lord  Exmouth  had  no  instructions 
for  such  an  emergency  ;  he  arranged  that  ambassadors 
should  be  sent  from  Algiers  to  London  and  Con- 
stantinople to  discuss  his  proposal  ;  and  then  regret- 
fully sailed  for  England.  He  had  hardly  returned 
when  news  arrived  of  extensive  massacres  of  Italians 
living  under  British  protection  at  Bona  and  Oran  by 
order  of  the  Dey — an  order  actually  issued  while  the 
British  admiral  was  at  Algiers.  Lord  Exmouth  was 
immediately  instructed  to  finish  his  work.  On  the 
25th  of  July  in  the  same  year  his  flagship,  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  108,  led  a  squadron  of  eighteen  men  of  war, 
of  from  ten  to  one  hundred  and  four  guns,  and  in- 
cluding three  seventy-fours,  out  of  Portsmouth 
harbour.  At  Gibraltar  the  Dutch  admiral,  Baron 
Van  Capellan,  begged  to  be  allowed  to  join  in  the 
attack  with  six  vessels,  chiefly  thirty-sixes,  and  when 
the  time  came  he  fought  his  ships  admirably.  On 
the  27th  of  August  they  arrived  in  the  roads  of 
Algiers.  The  Prometheus  had  been  sent  ahead  to 
bring  off  the  consul  McDonell  and  his  family. 
Captain  Dashwood  succeeded  in  bringing  Mrs.  and 
Miss  McDonell  on  board  ;  but  a  second  boat  was  less 
fortunate  :  the  consul's  baby  took  the  opportunity  of 
crying  just  as  it  was  being  carried  in  a  basket  past 
the  sentinel,  by  the  ship's  surgeon,  who  believed  he 
1  Playfair,  256. 


BOMBARDMENT  OF  ALGIERS. 


297 


had  quieted  it.  The  whole  party  were  taken  before 
the  Dey,  who,  however,  released  all  but  the  boat's 
crew,  and,  as  "a  solitary  instance  of  his  humanity," 
sent  the  baby  on  board.  The  Consul-General  himself 
remained  a  prisoner. 

No  reply  being  vouchsafed  to  his  flag  of  truce, 
Lord  Exmouth  bore  up  to  the  attack,  and  the  Queen 
Charlotte  dropped  anchor  in  the  entrance  of  the  Mole, 
some  fifty  yards  off,  and  was  lashed  to  a  mast  which 
was  made  fast  to  the  shore.  A  shot  from  the  Mole, 
instantly  answered  from  the  flagship,  opened  the 
battle.  "Then  commenced  a  fire,"  wrote  the  admiral, 
"as  animated  and  well-supported  as  I  believe  was 
ever  witnessed,  from  a  quarter  before  three  till  nine, 
without  intermission,  and  which  did  not  cease  alto- 
gether till  half-past  eleven  [P.M.].  The  ships  imme- 
diately following  me  were  admirably  and  coolly 
taking  up  their  stations,  with  a  precision  even  beyond 
my  most  sanguine  hope  ;  and  never  did  the  British 
flag  receive,  on  any  occasion,  more  zealous  and 
honourable  support. 

"  The  battle  was  fairly  at  issue  between  a  handful 
of  Britons,  in  the  noble  cause  of  Christianity,  and  a 
horde  of  fanatics,  assembled  round  their  city,  and 
enclosed  within  its  fortifications,  to  obey  the  dictates 
of  their  Despot.  The  cause  of  God  and  humanity 
prevailed  ;  and  so  devoted  was  every  creature  in  the 
fleet,  that  even  British  women  served  at  the  same 
guns  with  their  husbands,  and,  during  a  contest  of 
many  hours,  never  shrank  from  danger,  but  animated 
all  around  them." 

Some  of  the  men-of-war,  especially  the  Impregnable, 


zg8 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ALGIERS. 


Rear-Amiral  Milne,  were  hard  beset;  but  about  ten 
o'clock  at  night  the  main  batteries  were  silenced,  and 
in  a  state  of  ruin,  and  "  all  the  ships  in  the  port,  with 
the  exception  of  the  outer  frigate  [which  had  been 
boarded],  were  in  flames,  which  extended  rapidly  over 
the  whole  arsenal,  storehouses,  and  gun-boats,  exhi- 
biting a  spectacle  of  awful  grandeur  and  interest  no 
pen  can  describe." 1  At  one  o'clock  everything  in 
the  Marine  seemed  on  fire :  two  ships  wrapped  in 
flames  drifted  out  of  the  port.  Heavy  thunder, 
lightning,  and  rain,  increased  the  lurid  effect  of  the 
scene. 

Next  morning,  says  Mr.  Shaler,  "  the  combined 
fleets  are  at  anchor  in  the  bay,  apparently  little 
damaged  ;  every  part  of  the  town  appeared  to  have 
suffered.  The  Marine  batteries  are  in  ruins,  and  may 
be  occupied  without  any  effort.  Lord  Exmouth  holds 
the  fate  of  Algiers  in  his  hands." 

Instead,  however,  of  demolishing  the  last  vestige  of 
the  fortifications,  and  exacting  pledges  for  future 
good  behaviour,  the  admiral  concluded  a  treaty  by 
which  prisoners  of  war  in  future  should  be  exchanged 
and  not  enslaved  ;  and  the  whole  of  the  slaves  in 
Algiers,  to  the  number  of  1,642  (chiefly  Italian,  only 

1  Lord  Exmouth's  Despatch,  August  26,  1816.  See  also  the 
American  Consul  Shaler's  Report  to  his  Government.  September  13th, 
quoted  by  Playfair,  269-72.  The  bombardment  destroyed  a  large  part 
of  Mr.  Shaler's  house,  and  shells  were  perpetually  whizzing  by  his  ears. 
Hi.  report  is  full  of  graphic  details,  and  he  was  always  a  true  friend  of 
the  unlucky  McDonell.  It  is  stated  that  ihe  fleet  fired  118  tons  of 
powder,  50,000  shot,  nearly  1,000  shells,  &c.  The  English  lost  128 
killed  and  690  wounded.  The  admiral  was  wounded  in  three  places, 
his  telescope  broken  in  his  hand,  and  his  coat  cut  to  strips.  Nor  was 
the  Dey  less  forwar  1  nt  the  post  of  danger. 


SUBMISSION  OF  THE  DEY. 


299 


eighteen  English),  were  at  once  set  at  liberty,  and  the 
Dey  was  made  to  refund  the  money,  amounting  to 
nearly  four  hundred  dollars,  which  he  had  that  year 
extorted  from  the  Italian  States.  Finally,  he  was 
made  to  publicly  apologize  to  the  unfortunate 
McDonell,  who  had  been  confined  during  the  siege 
half  naked  in  the  cell  for  condemned  murderers, 
loaded  with  chains,  fastened  to  the  wall,  exposed  to 
the  heavy  rain,  and  momentarily  expecting  his  doom. 
He  was  now  reinstated,  and  publicly  thanked  by  the 
admiral. 

It  was,  indeed,  satisfactory  to  have  at  last  adminis- 
tered some  salutary  discipline  to  the  insolent  robbers 
of  Algiers  ;  but  it  had  been  well  if  the  lesson  had 
been  final.  Their  fleet  was  certainly  gone  :  they  had 
but  two  vessels  left.  Their  fortifications  were  severely 
damaged,  but  these  were  soon  repaired.  No  doubt  it 
was  no  small  advantage  to  have  demonstrated  that 
their  batteries  could  be  turned  and  silenced  ;  but  it 
would  have  been  better  to  have  taken  care  that  they 
should  never  mount  another  gun.  Even  the  moral 
effect  of  the  victory  seems  to  have  been  shortlived,  for 
when,  in  18 19,  in  pursuance  of  certain  resolutions 
expressed  at  the  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (181 8) 
the  French  and  English  admirals  delivered  "identical 
notes "  to  the  new  Dey,  that  potentate  replied  after 
his  manner  by  throwing  up  earthworks. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  same  course  of  insolence 
and  violence  continued  after  the  Battle  of  Algiers  as 
before.  Free  European  girls  were  carried  off  by  the 
Dey  ;  the  British  consulate  was  forced  open,  and  even 
the  women's  rooms  searched  ;  Mr.  McDonell  was  still 


300 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ALGIERS. 


victimized  ;  and  the  diplomacy  and  a  little  fancy 
firing  of  Sir  Harry  Neale  in  1824  failed  to  produce 
the  least  effect.  Mr.  McDonell  had  to  be  recalled, 
and  the  Dey  as  usual  had  his  own  way.  Nothing 
but  downright  conquest  could  stop  the  plague,  and 
that  final  measure  was  reserved  for  another  nation 
than  the  English. 


XXII. 


THE  FRENCH  IN  AFRICA 
1830— l88l. 

The  successes  of  the  English  and  American  fleets 
had  produced  their  effects,  not  so  much  in  arresting 
the  course  of  piracy,  as  in  encouraging  the  European 
States  to  defy  the  pirates.  The  coup  de  grace  was 
administered  by  France — the  vis-a-vis,  the  natural 
opponent  of  the  Algerine  Corsairs,  and  perhaps  the 
chief  sufferer  by  their  attacks.  A  dispute  in  April, 
1827,  between  the  French  consul  and  the  Dey,  in 
which  the  former  forgot  the  decencies  of  diplomatic 
language,  and  the  latter  lost  his  temper  and  struck 
the  offender  with  the  handle  of  his  fan,  led  to  an 
ineffectual  blockade  of  Algiers  by  a  French  squadron 
for  two  years,  during  which  the  Algerines  aggravated 
the  breach  by  several  acts  of  barbarity  displayed 
towards  French  prisoners.  Matters  grew  to  a  crisis  ;  in 
August,  1829,  the  Dey  dismissed  a  French  envoy  and 
fired  upon  his  ship  as  he  was  retiring  under  a  flag  of 
truce  ;  and  it  became  evident  that  war  on  a  decisive 
scale  was  now  inevitable. 

Accordingly,   on   May  26th,  1830,  a  -large  fleet 


302 


THE  FRENCH  IN  AFRICA. 


sailed  out  of  Toulon.  Admiral  Duperre  commanded, 
and  the  land-forces  on  board  numbered  thirty-seven 
thousand  foot,  besides  cavalry  and  artillery.  Delayed 
by  stress  of  weather,  the  fleet  was  not  sighted  off 
Algiers  till  June  13th,  when  it  anchored  in  the  Bay  of 
Sidi  Ferruj,  and  there  landed  next  day,  with  little 
opposition,  and  began  to  throw  up  entrenchments. 
A  force  of  Arabs  and  Kabyles  was  severely  defeated 
on  the  19th,  with  the  loss  of  their  camp  and  pro- 
visions, and  the  French  slowly  pushed  their  way 
towards  the  city,  beating  back  the  Algerines  as  they 
advanced.  The  defenders  fought  game  to  the  last, 
but  the  odds  were  overwhelming,  and  the  only 
wonder  is  that  so  overpowering  a  force  of  besiegers, 
both  by  sea  and  land,  should  have  evinced  so  much 
caution  and  diffidence  of  their  own  immense 
superiority.  On  July  4th,  the  actual  bombardment 
of  the  city  began  ;  the  Fort  de  l'Empereur  was 
taken,  after  the  Algerines  had  blown  up  the  powder 
magazine  ;  and  the  Dey  asked  for  terms  of  surrender. 
Safety  of  person  and  property  for  himself  and  for 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  was  promised  by  the 
French  commander,  and  on  this  condition  the  enemy 
occupied  Algiers  on  the  following  day,  July  5th.  A 
week  later  the  Dey,  with  his  family  and  attendants 
and  belongings,  sailed  for  Naples  in  a  French  frigate, 
and  Algiers  had  seen  the  last  of  its  Mohammedan 
rulers.1 

Here,  so  far  as  Algiers  is  concerned,  the  Story  of 

1  See  the  graphic  journal  of  the  British  Consul  General,  R.  W.  St. 
John,  published  in  Sir  R.  Lambert  Playfair's  Scourge  of  Chris- 
tendom, pp.  310-322. 


CRUELTY  OF  THE  FRENCH. 


303 


the  Corsairs  properly  ends.  But  a  glance  at  the 
events  which  have  occurred  during  the  French  occu- 
pation may  usefully  supplement  what  has  already 
been  recorded.  The  conquest  had  been  marked  by  a 
moderation  and  humanity  which  did  infinite  honour 
to  the  French  arms ;  it  would  have  been  well  if 
a  similar  policy  had  distinguished  their  subsequent 
proceedings.  It  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  upon  the 
assurance  given  by  France  to  Great  Britain  that  the 
occupation  was  only  temporary  ;  upon  the  later 
announcement  of  permanent  annexation  ;  or  upon 
England's  acquiescence  in  the  perfidy,  upon  the 
French  engaging  never  to  push  their  conquests 
further  to  the  east  or  west  of  Algiers — an  engagement 
curiously  illustrated  by  the  recent  occupation  of  Tunis. 
But  if  the  aggrandisement  of  France  in  North  Africa  is 
matter  for  regret,  infinitely  more  to  be  deplored  is  the 
manner  in  which  the  possession  of  the  interior  of  the 
country  has  been  effected.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  from  the  moment  when  the  French,  having 
merely  taken  the  city  of  Algiers,  began  the  work  of 
subduing  the  tribes  of  the  interior  in  1830,  to  the  day 
when  they  at  last  set  up  civil,  instead  of  military, 
government,  after  the  lessons  of  the  Franco-German 
war  in  1870,  the  history  of  Algeria  is  one  long  record 
of  stupidly  brutal  camp-rule,  repudiation  of  sacred 
engagements,  inhuman  massacres  of  unoffending 
natives  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  violence  without 
judgment,  and  severity  without  reason.  One  French 
general  after  another  was  sent  out  to  bring  the 
rebellious  Arabs  and  Kabyles  into  subjection,  only  to 
display  his  own  incompetence  for  the  inhuman  task, 


3-4 


THE  FRENCH  IN  AFRICA. 


and  to  return  baffled  and  brutalized  by  the  disgrace- 
ful work  he  thought  himself  bound  to  carry  out. 
There  is  no  more  humiliating  record  in  the  annals  of 
annexation  than  this  miserable  conquest  of  Algiers. 
It  is  the  old  story  of  trying  to  govern  what  the  con- 
querors call  "  niggers,"  without  attempting  to  under- 
stand the  people  first.  Temper,  justice,  insight,  and 
conciliation  would  have  done  more  in  four  years  than 
martial  intolerance  and  drum  tyranny  accomplished 
in  forty. 

In  all  these  years  of  miserable  guerilla  warfare,  in 
which  such  well-known  commanders  as  Bugeaud, 
Pelissier,  Canrobert,  St.  Arnaud,  MacMahon,  and 
many  more,  learned  their  first  demoralizing  lessons 
in  warfare,  the  only  people  who  excite  our  interest 
and  admiration  are  the  Arab  tribes.  That  they  were 
unwise  in  resisting  the  inevitable  is  indisputable  ;  but 
it  is  no  less  certain  that  they  resisted  with  splendid 
valour  and  indomitable  perseverance.  Again  and 
again  they  defeated  the  superior  forces  of  France  in 
the  open  field,  wrested  strong  cities  from  the  enemy, 
and  even  threatened  to  extinguish  the  authority  of 
the  alien  in  Algiers  for  ever.  For  all  which  the 
invaders  had  only  to  thank  themselves.  Had 
General  Clausel,  the  first  military  governor  of  Algiers, 
been  a  wise  man,  the  people  might  have  accepted, 
by  degrees,  the  sovereignty  of  France.  But  the 
violence  of  his  measures,  and  his  ignorance  of  the  very 
word  "  conciliation,"  raised  up  such  strenuous  opposi- 
tion, engendered  such  terrible  reprisals,  and  set  the  two 
parties  so  hopelessly  against  each  other,  that  nothing 
less  than  a  prolonged  rtruggle  could  be  expected. 


i  ABD-EL-KADIR. 


305 


The  hero  of  this  sanguinary  conflict  was  Abd-el- 
Kadir,  a  man  who  united  in  his  person  and  character 
all  the  virtues  of  the  old  Arabs  with  many  of  the 
best  results  of  civilization.  Descended  from  a  saintly 
family,  himself  learned  and  devout,  a  Haj  or  Meccan 
pilgrim  ;  frank,  generous,  hospitable  ;  and  withal  a 
splendid  horseman,  redoubtable  in  battle,  and  fired 
with  the  patriotic  enthusiasm  which  belongs  to  a 
born  leader  of  men,  'Abd-el-Kadir  became  the 
recognized  chief  of  the  Arab  insurgents.  The  Dey 
of  Algiers  had  foreseen  danger  in  the  youth,  who 
was  forced  to  fly  to  Egypt  in  fear  of  his  life.  When 
he  returned,  a  young  man  of  twenty-four,  he  found 
his  country  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  and  his 
people  driven  to  desperation.  His  former  fame  and 
his  father's  name  were  talismans  to  draw  the 
impetuous  tribes  towards  him;  and  he  soon  had 
so  large  a  following  that  the  French  deemed  it 
prudent  for  the  moment  to  recognize  him  (1834) 
as  Emir  of  Maskara,  his  native  place,  of  which  he 
had  already  been  chosen  king  by  general  acclama- 
tion. Here  he  prepared  for  the  coming  struggle  ; 
and  when  the  French  discovered  a  pretext  for 
attacking  him  in  1835,  they  were  utterly  routed  on 
the  river  Maska.  The  fortunes  of  war  vacillated  in 
the  following  year,  till  in  May,  1837,  Abd-el-Kadir 
triumphantly  defeated  a  French  army  in  the  plain 
of  the  Metija.  A  fresh  expedition  of  twenty  thou- 
sand met  with  no  better  success,  for  Arabs  and 
Berbers  are  hard  to  trap,  and  Abd-el-Kadir,  whose 
strategy  evoked  the  admiration  of  the  Duke  of 
Wellington,  was  for  a  time  able  to  baffle  all  the 


306 


THE  FRENCH  IN  AFRICA. 


marshals  of  France.  The  whole  country,  save  a 
few  fortified  posts,  was  now  under  his  sway,  and 
the  French  at  last  perceived  that  they  had  to  deal 
with  a  pressing  danger.  They  sent  out  eighty 
thousand  men  under  Marshal  Bugeaud,  and  the 
success  of  this  officer's  method  of  sweeping  the 
country  with  movable  columns  was  soon  apparent. 
Town  after  town  fell  ;  tribe  after  tribe  made  terms  ; 
even  'Abd-el-Kadir's  capital,  Takidemt,  was  des- 
troyed ;  Maskara  was  subdued  (1841)  ;  and  the 
heroic  chief,  still  repudiating  defeat,  retreated  to 
Morocco.  Twice  he  led  fresh  armies  into  his  own 
land,  in  1843  and  1844;  the  one  succumbed  to  the 
Due  d'Aumale,  the  other  to  Bugeaud.  Pelissier 
covered  himself  with  peculiar  glory  by  smoking 
five  hundred  men,  women,  and  children  to  death  in 
a  cave.  At  last,  seeing  the  hopelessness  of  further 
efforts  and  the  misery  they  brought  upon  his  people, 
'Abd-el-Kadir  accepted  terms  (1847),  and  surren- 
dered to  the  Due  d'Aumale  on  condition  of  being 
allowed  to  retire  to  Alexandria  or  Naples.  It  is 
needless  to  add  that,  in  accordance  with  Algerian 
precedent,  the  terms  of  surrender  were  subsequently 
repudiated,  though  not  by  the  Royal  Duke,  and  the 
noble  Arab  was  consigned  for  five  years  to  a  French 
prison.  Louis  Napoleon  eventually  allowed  him  to 
depart  to  Brusa,  and  he  finally  died  at  Damascus 
in  1883,  not,  however,  before  he  had  rendered  signal 
service  to  his  former  enemies  by  protecting  the 
Christians  during  the  massacres  of  i860. 

Though  'Abd-el-Kadir  had  gone,  peace  did  not 
settle  upon  Algeria.     Again  and  again  the  tribes 


THE  INVASION  OF  TUNIS. 


307 


revolted,  only  to  feel  once  more  the  merciless  severity 
of  their  military  rulers.  French  colonists  did  not 
readily  adopt  the  new  field  for  emigration.  It 
seemed  as  though  the  best  thing  would  be  to  with- 
draw from  a  bootless,  expensive,  and  troublesome 
venture.  Louis  Napoleon,  however,  when  he  visited 
Algiers  in  1865,  contrived  somewhat  to  reassure  the 
Kabyles,  while  he  guaranteed  their  undisturbed  pos- 
session of  their  territories  ;  and  until  his  fall  there 
was  peace.  But  the  day  of  weakness  for  France 
was  the  opportunity  for  Algiers,  and  another  serious 
revolt  broke  out  ;  the  Kabyles  descended  from  their 
mountains,  and  Gen.  Durieu  had  enough  to  do  to 
hold  them  in  check.  The  result  of  this  last  attempt, 
and  the  change  of  government  in  France,  was  the 
appointment  of  civil  instead  of  military  governors, 
and  since  then  Algeria  has  on  the  whole  remained 
tranquil,  though  it  takes  an  army  of  fifty  thousand 
men  to  keep  it  so.  There  are  at  least  no  more 
Algerine  Corsairs. 

It  remains  to  refer  to  the  affairs  of  Tunis.  If 
there  was  provocation  for  the  French  occupation  of 
Algiers  in  1830,  there  was  none  for  that  of  Tunis  in 
1 88 1.1  It  was  a  pure  piece  of  aggression,  stimulated 
by  the  rival  efforts  of  Italy,  and  encouraged  by  the 
timidity  of  the  English  Foreign  Office,  then  under 
the  guidance  of  Lord  Granville.  A  series  of 
diplomatic  grievances,  based  upon  no  valid  grounds, 
was  set  up  by  the  ingenious  representative  of 
France   in   the    Regency — M.    Theodore  Roustan, 

1  For  a  full  account  of  this  scandalous  proceeding,  see  Mr.  A.  M. 
Broadley's  Tunis,  Past  and  Present. 


Jo8 


THE  FRENCH  IN  AFRICA. 


since  deservedly  exposed  —  and  the  resistance  of 
the  unfortunate  Bey,  Mohammed  Es-Sadik,  to 
demands  which  were  in  themselves  preposterous,  and 
which  obviously  menaced  his  semi-independence  as  a 
viceroy  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  received  no  support 
from  any  of  the  Powers,  save  Turkey,  who  was  then 
depressed  in  influence  and  resources  by  the  adver- 
sities of  the  Russian  invasion.  The  result  was 
natural  :  a  strong  Power,  unchecked  by  efficient 
rivals,  pursued  her  stealthy  policy  of  aggression 
against  a  very  weak,  but  not  dishonest,  State ;  and 
finally  seized  upon  the  ridiculous  pretext  of  some 
disturbances  among  the  tribes  bordering  on  Algeria 
to  invade  the  territory  of  the  Bey.  In  vain 
Mohammed  Es-Sadik  assured  M.  Roustan  that 
order  had  been  restored  among  the  tribes  ;  in 
vain  he  appealed  to  all  the  Powers,  and,  above  all, 
to  England.  Lord  Granville  believed  the  French 
Government  when  it  solemnly  assured  him  that  "the 
operations  about  to  commence  on  the  borderland 
between  Algeria  and  Tunis  are  meant  solely  to  put 
an  end  to  the  constant  inroads  of  the  frontier  clans 
into  Algerian  territory,  and  that  the  independence  of 
the  Bey  and  the  integrity  of  his  territory  are  in  no 
way  threatened."  It  was  Algiers  over  again,  but 
with  even  more  serious  consequences  to  English 
influence — indeed  to  all  but  French  influence — in  the 
Mediterranean.  "  Perfide  Albion  "  wholly  confided 
in  "  Perfida  Gallia,"  and  it  was  too  late  to  protest 
against  the  flagrant  breach  of  faith  when  the  French 
army  had  taken  Kef  and  Tabarka  (April  26,  i88i\ 
when  the  tricolor  was  floating  over  Bizerta,  and 


A  REIGN  OF  TERROR. 


309 


when  General  Breart,  with  every  circumstance  of 
insolent  brutality,  had  forced  the  Treaty  of  Kasr-es- 
Sa'Id  upon  the  luckless  Bey  under  the  muzzles  of  the 
guns  of  the  Republic  (May  12th).  It  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  the  feeling  of  the  English  statesmen  of 
the  day  is  expressed  in  the  words — Haec  olim  memi- 
nisse  juvabit. 

The  Bey  had  been  captured — he  and  since  his 
death  Sidi  'All  Bey  have  continued  to  be  the  -  figure- 
heads of  the  French  Protectorate — but  his  people 
were  not  so  easily  subdued.  The  southern  provinces 
of  Tunis  broke  into  open  revolt,  and  for  a  time  there 
ensued  a  period  of  hopeless  anarchy,  which  the 
French  authorities  made  no  effort  to  control.  At 
last  they  bestirred  themselves,  and  to  some  purpose. 
Sfax  was  mercilessly  bombarded  and  sacked,  houses 
were  blown  up  with  their  inhabitants  inside  them, 
and  a  positive  reign  of  terror  was  inaugurated,  in 
which  mutual  reprisals,  massacres,  and  executions 
heightened  the  horrors  of  war.  The  whole  country 
outside  the  fortified  posts  became  the  theatre  of 
bloodshed,  robbery,  and  anarchy.  It  was  the  history 
of  Algiers  in  petto.  Things  have  slowly  improved 
since  then,  especially  since  M.  Roustan's  recall  ; 
doubtless  in  time  Tunis  will  be  as  subdued  and  as 
docile  as  Algiers  ;  and  meanwhile  France  is  develop- 
ing the  resources  of  the  land,  and  opening  out  one 
of  the  finest  harbours  in  existence.  Yet  M.  Henri  de 
Rochefort  did  not,  perhaps,  exaggerate  when  he 
wrote  :  "  We  compared  the  Tunisian  expedition  to 
an  ordinary  fraud.  We  were  mistaken.  The  Tunis 
business  is  a  robbery  aggravated  by  murder."  The 


3io 


THE  FRENCH  IN  AFRICA. 


"Algerian  business"  was  of  a  similar  character.  Qui 
commence  bien  finit  bien,  assumes  Admiral  Jurien  de 
la  Graviere  in  his  chapter  entitled  "Gallia  Victrix." 
If  the  history  of  France  in  Africa  ends  in  bringing 
the  southern  borderlands  of  the  Mediterranean,  the 
old  haunts  of  the  Barbary  Corsairs,  within  the  pale 
of  civilization,  it  may  some  day  be  possible  to  bury 
the  unhappy  past,  and  inscribe  upon  the  tombstone 
the  optimistic  motto  :  Finis  coronal  opus. 


THE  END. 


I  N  D 


A 

'Abd-el-Kadir,  305-6 
'Abd-el-Melik.  Khalif,  7 
'A  bd-er- Rahman,  7 
Acre,  62 

Acton,  Chevalier,  191 
Aden,  98 
Aegina,  97 

"  Africa  "  (Mahdlya),  Siege  of, 
128-133;  (Ilustr.)  129;  taken 
by  Dragut,  133  ;  retaken  by 
Doria,  134. 

Aghlabis,  7,  21 

Aix  la  Chapelle,  Congress,  4,  299 
Alghero,  62 

Algiers,  8;  taken  by  D.  Pedro 
Navarro,  13;  orthography,  I3«., 
16,  19  ;  occupied  by  Uruj  Bar- 
barossa,  46  ;  ruled  by  Kheyr- 
ed-dln,54;  Hasan  Aga,  viceroy, 
81  ;  Charles  V.'s  Expedition, 
1 12-123  ;  renegade  Pashas,  185; 
Turkish  Deys,  185-7;  its  gal- 
leys, 218  ff.  ;  its  slaves,  235  ff.  ; 
arrogance  of  its  Deys,  257  ff.  ; 
bombardment,  297  ;  French 
occupation,  301-7 

Algiers  (1  Ilustr.)  frontispiece,  48, 
"5 

Alhucemas,  188 
' Ali  Aga,  272 

Ali  Pasha  at  Lepanto,  164,  173-6 
Allen,  Sir  T.,  272 
Almohades,  7,  21 
Almoraviiles,  21 
Alva,  Duke  of,  1 13 
'Amr,  general,  7 
Angelo,  Fort  (Corfu),  97 
Angelo,  Fort  (Malta),  136,  142  ff. 
Aragon,  23 


Aranda,  Emanuel  d',  195 
Arenela,  143 
Armadores,  221 
Arta,  Gulf  of,  1 01  ff. 
Astrolabe,  1 70 

Astrolabe,  observation  with,  104 
Atlas  range,  14 
Aubusson,  D',  66 
Aumale.  Due  d',  306 
Ayas,  Grand  Vezir,  96 
Aydin  Reis  "  Drub-Devil,"  56,  57, 
89. 

B 

Bab-Azun,  1 17,  1 18 
Bab-el -Wed,  117 
Bainbridge,  Capt.,  277  flf. 
Balaklava,  62 

Balearic  Islands,  24,  56,  57 
Baltimore  in  Ireland  sacked,  233, 
265 

Barbarigo,  173,  175 

Barbarossa,  Uruj,  birth,  31  ;  Lives 
of,  31  n.  ;  arrives  at  Tunis,  32  ; 
takes  Papal  Galleys,  35  ;  settles 
at  Jerba,  40 ;  attacks  Bujeya, 
41;  is  wounded,  43;  second 
attempt  on  Bujeya,  44  ;  goes  to 
Jljil,  44  ;  surprises  Shershel, 
46  ;  occupies  Algiers,  49  ;  de- 
feats the  Spaniards,  50 ;  con 
quers  Tinnis,  51  ;  is  pursued 
by  the  Spaniards,  51  ;  and 
killed,  52 

Barbarossa,  Kheyr-ed-din,  see 
Kheyr-ed-din. 

Barbary  peninsula,  14  ff. 

Barbary,  map  of,  17 

Barcone,  231 

Bastion  de  France,  253-4 


312 


INDEX. 


Bazan,  Alvaro  de,  173 
Beaufort,  Henry,  131 
Bekri,  El,  26 
Beshiktash,  11 1 
Besistan,  243 
Beys  of  Tunis,  22 
Blake,  Admiral,  269 
Blomberg,  Barba,  167 
Boccanegra,  103 
Bona,  19,  24,  26 
Bona,  Cape,  19 
Borak  Reis,  66-7 
Bourbon,  Duke  of,  1 3 1 
Bourbon,  Francis  de,  106 
Boyssat,  89  n. 

Brigantine  (Vergatina),  10,  205 
Bragadino,  164 
Brailhwaite,  Capt. ,  191  ft. 
Breves,  M.  de,  226 
Broadley,  A.  M.,  89  «.,  257,  295, 
307 

Bruce,  James,  273 

Bugeaud,  Marshal,  306 

Bujeya,  taken  by  Spaniards,  12  ; 
harbour,  19,  23;  besirged  by 
Uruj  Barbarossa,  40  ;  again,  44, 
51  ;  Charles  V.  at,  122,  254 

Burgol,  222 

c 

Caesarea  Augusta,  13  «. 
Cairo,  21 
Canale,  95 
Capellan,  Van,  296 
Capello,  101-4,  194 
Carack.  86,  103 
Caramuzel,  231 
Caravel  (lllustr.),  II,  231 
Cardona,  Juan  de,  150,  168,  177 
Carthage,  19 
Castelnuova,  105 
Catena,  9,  168  n. 
Cattaro,  105 
Cerda,  Juan  de  la,  147 
Cervantes,  177,  246-8 
Cervellon,  182 
Cetraro,  84 
Ceuta,  16,  20,  23,  188 
Challoner,  Sir  T. ,  122 
Charles  V.,  51,  57,  77  ;  at  Tunis, 
86-91  ;  at  Algiers,  112-123,  167 


Chenier,  191  n. 
Chesneau,  83  n. 
Chioggia,  62 

Christian  privileges  in  Barbary,  22 
Clement,  Saint-,  161,  192 
Col,  55 

Collingwood,  Admiral,  292 
Colonna,  163,  173,  176 
Comares,  Marq.  de,  51 
Comelin,  Father,  255 
Commercial  Treaties.  22 
Compass,  99 
Condulmiero,  103 
Constantine,  55 
Constantinople,  82-3 
Consuls  at  Algiers,  &eM  259  ffv 
Cordova,  7 

Corfu,  95  ;  besieged,  96-7 

Corsica,  7,  24 

Cortes,  114 

Cossier,  89 

Cottington,  229 

Courcy,  De,  13 1 

Crossbow,  observation  with,  55 

Cruz,  Marquis  of  Santa,  177 

Cyprus,  72  ;  taken  by  Turks,  162-4 

D 

Damad  All,  181 

Dan,  Father,  218,  219  220,  233, 
235  ff.,  252  ff. 

Danser,  Simon,  226 

Dardanelles,  62 

Daud  Pasha,  67-71 

DecatU'-,  Stephen,  283  ff.,  293 

Delgarno,  188 

Deli  Memi,  246 

Dellals,  243 

Denis.  Sir  Peter,  264 

Denmark  and  Tunis,  258  ff. 

Deys  of  Algiers,  22,  262  ff. 

Doria,  Andrea,  drives  Kheyr-ed- 
dln  from  the  Goletta,  43  ;  life 
up  to  1533,  76-8  ;  portrait.  79  ; 
takes  Coron,  81  ;  misses  Kheyr- 
ed-din,  82  ;  expedition  to  Tunis, 
86  ff.  ;  chases  Kheyr-ed-dln, 
93  5  fight  off  Paxos,  95  ;  de- 
feated at  Prevesa,  101-4 ;  in- 
activity,   no  ;    expedition  to 


INDEX. 


3*3 


Algiers,  113  ff.  ;  to  Mahdlya, 
133  ;   lets   Dragut    slip,    135  ; 
death,  140 
Doria,  Giannettino,  112,  127 
Doria,  Giovanni  Andrea,  138-40, 

163,  168,  173,  175 
Doria,  Roger,  at  Jerba,  128 
Dragut,  Reis  (Torghud),  56,  98, 
103,  no,  112;  early  career, 
124  ;  captivity,  127  ;  ransom, 
112,  127  ;  at  Jerba,  128  ; 
takes  "  Africa,"  133,  and 
loses  it,  134;  escape  from 
Jerba,  135  ;  joins  the  Ottoman 
navy,  136,  138  ;  destroys  the 
Christian  fleet  at  Jerba,  140 ; 
dies  at  the  siege  of  Malta, 
146-9 

"  Drub  Devil  "  Aydin,  56 
Duperre,  Admiral,  302 
Dynasties  of  N  Africa,  21 

E 

Echinades,  173 
Elba  looted,  82 
Elmo,  Fort  St.,  142-:, 
England  and  Algiers  257  ff. 
Eski  Serai,  82 
Evangelista,  Master,  142 
Exmouth,  Lord,  293  ff. 

F 

Falcon,  Consul,  264 
Fatimis,  7,  21,  24 
Ferdinand   the  Catholic,  8,  13, 
44 

Fez,  Bishop  of,  22 

Fondi  sacked,  84-5 

Formentara,  57,  224 

France  and  Algiers,  256  ff.,  301  ff. 

Fnncis  I.,  77,  94,  106-10 

Frazer,  Hon.  A.  C,  264 

Frizell,  Consul,  266 

Froissart,  128-33 

Furttenbach,  206  ff.,  232 

G 

Gabes,  Gulf  of,  26 
Galata,  62 


Gaileasse,  68,  (illustr.)  69,  227 ; 

description,  206,  230 
Galleon  (illustr.),  6;  description, 

205 

Galleot,  description,  218 

Galley  (illustr.),  37,  64;  building 

at  Constantinople,  83  ;  (illustr.) 

107  ;    203,    207,    209,    211  ; 

description  of,  200  ff.,  213  ff. 
Gembloux,  178 
Genoa,  23,  43,  61  ff.,  77 
Goletta  of  Tunis,  16,  32,  78,  86 
Gonzaga,  Giulia,  escape  of,  84-5 
Granada,  fall  of,  8 
Graviere,  Admiral  Jurien  de  la, 

31  ,1.,  59.  71,  73,  81,  83,  104, 

123,  138,  150,  177,  206,  215 
Greece,  raid  among  the  isles  of, 

97 

Greek  fire,  131 
Grimani,  67,  71,  101-4 
Guaras,  Jean  de,  146 

H 

Haedo,  Diego  de,  31  n. .  36,  82 

200-5,  219,  220,  223-4 
Hafs.  dynasty,  21,  23,  32,  85 
Hajji  Khalifa,  31  «.,  67,  82  »., 

98,  104 
Hammad,  dynasty,  21 
Hammer,  Von,  31  n.,  104 
Haiebone,  Mr.,  260 
Hasan  Aga,   81,    112;  defends 

Algiers    against    Charles  V., 

112-23 

Hasan,  King  of  Tunis,  85-91 
Hasan,  Pasha  of  Algiers,  246-7 
Herbert,  Admiral,  272 
Hisar  Reis,  134 

Holland  and    Algiers,   257  ff., 

271  ;  295 
Hope,  Capt.,  264 
Hospitallers,  Knights  of  St.  John, 

66,  73,  76,  and  see  Malta 

I 

Ibrahim,  Grand  Vezir,  83,  89,  94 
Ibrahim  Lubarez,  277 
Idrls,  21 

Inchiquin,  Earl  of,  269 
India,  expedition  to,  98 


314 


INDEX. 


J 

Jerba,  lotus-eaters'  island,  16 ; 
40;  (illustr.)  125;  Dragut's 
lair,  128  ;  his  escape  from, 
135  ;  destruction  of  the  Christian 
fleet,  139 

Jezair,  A1-,  13  n. 

Jijil,  19,  20  ;  occupied  by  Uruj 

Barbarossa,  44 
John   of  Austria,  Don,  164-78, 

246 

Julius  II.,  Pope,  35 
K 

Ka^abr  at  Algiers,  244  f. 
Kara  Hasan,  49 
kayrawan,  91 
Kemal  Reis.  66 
Keppel,  Admiral,  273 
Khaldun,  Ibn-,  26 
Khalifs,  7,  21 

Kheyr-ed-din  Barbarossa,  birth, 
31  and  n.  ;  38  n.  ;  driven  from 
the  Goletta,  43  ;  character,  53; 
policy  towards  Sultan,  54  ;  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  Algiers, 

54  ;  defeats  Hugo  de  Moncada, 

55  ;  storms  the  Penon  de  Alger, 
58  ;  summoned  to  Constanti- 
nople, 75  ;  arrival,  82  ;  High 
Admiral  of  Turkey,  83,  94  ;  raid 
in  Italy,  84  ;  sacks  Fondi,  85  ; 
takes  Tunis,  86  ;  is  expelled, 
89  ;  sacks  Port  Mahon,  92-3  ; 
at  Stambol,  94  ;  lays  waste 
Apulia,  96  ;  siege  of  Corfu,  96- 
7  ;  takes  Castelnuovo,  105  ;  at 
Marseilles,  106  ;  siege  of  Nice, 
109  ;  winters  at  Toulon,  109  ; 
returns  to  Constantinople,  ill  ; 
death,  III 

Knights  of  St.  John,  66,  73,  76 
Koka,  67 

Kuroghler,  Creole,  221 
L 

Lacalle,  19  ;  taken  by  Turks,  71 
Lepanto,  67  ;  battle  of,  164-178 
Lesbos,  31 

Liman  Reis,  Port  Admiral,  225 


I  Lomellini  family,  19,  43 

Loredani  family,  65,  68 
:  Louis,  St.,  85 
I  Lucida,  S  ,  stormed,  84 

Luni,  24 

Lutfi  Pasha,  81,  96 
M 

Madeira,  232 

Mahon,  Port,  sacked,  93,  114 
MahdTya,  16.  21,  24,  26  ;  siege  by 

Bourbon,    128-133  ;  (Illustr.) 

129  ;  taken  by  Dfagut,  133  ; 

by  Doria,  134  . 
Mahmud,  Bey  of  Tunis,  294-5 
Majorca.  57 

Malta,  description  of,  143 
Malta,  Knights  of,  76,  86  f.,  109, 

118-123,  136-8,  141-159,  161, 

177,  211  ;  captives,  244  ff. 
Mansell,  Sir  R.,  272 
Marabut,  222 
Marmora,  62 
Matha,  Juan  de,  251 
Marmol,  31  n. 
Marsa,  La,  143 
Mars-el-Kebir,  19 
Marseilles  merchants,  19,  254 
Marseilles    receives  the  Turkish 

fleet,  106 
Martinego,  73 
Mas-Latrie,  Cte.  de,  24,  25 
Maura,  Santa,  103 
McDonell,  Consul,  296  ff. 
Medina-Celi,  Uuke  of,  expedition 

to  Jerba  and  defeat,  138-140 
Menu  Arnaut,  185 
Memi  Gancho,  220 
Mendoza,  81,  114 
Merin.  dynasty,  22 
Minorca,  92 
Modon,  71 

.Mohammed  IT.,  31,  65,  66 
Mohammed  Es-Sadik,  308-9 
Moor  of  Alexandria,  95 
Afoois  in  Spain,  S/ory  of,  8.  167 
Morgan.  S.,  36,  46,  52,  58,  91, 

104,  215,  241,  268 
Moriscos,  26,  57,  59 
Morocco,  187-191 


INDEX. 


315 


Mujahid  (Muget),  24 

Munatones,  156 

Murad  Reis,  98,  192,  193,  233 

Murad  IV.,  194 

Muset,  143 

Mustafa,  Seraskier,  144  ff. 
Mustafa,  Lala,  162-3 
Mustafa,  Bogotillos,  187 

N 

Narborough,  Sir  John,  272 

Navarino,  67,  68 

Navarro,  D.  Pedro,  takes  Oran, 

Algiers,  &c,  12-13,  43,  138 
Nave,  231 
Naxos,  97 
Neale,  Sir  H.,  300 
Negropont,  65 
Nelson,  Admiral  Lord,  292 
Nice,  siege  of,  109 

O 

Ochiali  (El-Uluji,  Uluj  Ali),  at 
Jerba,  140;  at  Malta,  146;  his 
exploits,  161 ;  at  the  battle  of 
Lepanlo,  175-7;  retakes  Tunis, 
182  ;  death,  185,  219 

Gglander,  Consul,  294 

Oliva,  57 

'Omar,  Khalif,  7 

Oran,  8;  taken  by  Spaniards,  12; 

harbour,  19,  51 
Othello,  65 
Otranto,  65 

P 

Page,  Sanson  Le,  252-4 
Pallavicini,  Cristofero,  81 
Patras,  71,  81 
Paxos,  95,  97 

Pellew,  Sir  Edward,  see  Exmoiith 
Penon  de  Alger  founded,  13,  45, 

46,  49,  51  ;  destroyed,  59 
Penon  de  Velez  da  la  Gomera, 

188 

Pertev  Pasha,  176 

Piali  Pasha,  138  ;  at  Jerba.  140  , 

at  Malta,  145  ft.  ;"at  Cyprus, 

162-4 


Pichinin,  'Ali,  194-9 

Piracy,  pleasures  of,  9-13 

Pisa,  23,  24,  25 

Pius  V.,  162,  164,  177 

Philadelphia,  loss  of  the,  280 

Playfair,  Sir  R.  L.,  242  261, 

273.  296,  302 
Polacca,  231 
Porto  Farino,  19,  269 
Portundo,  General,  57 
Portus  Divinus,  19 
Preble,  Commodore,  276  ff. 
Prevesa,  battle  of,  101-4 
Provence,  23 

R 

Ramadan  Sardo,  185,  200 
Ransoms,  267 

Redemption,  order  of,  251  ff. 
Reggio  looted,  84  ;  burnt,  106 
Reis,  221 

"  Religion,  The,"  86 
Renegades,  200  ff. 
Reynolds,  Sir  Joshua,  273 
Rhodes,   siege  of,    66  ;  second 

siege  and  fall,  73 
Robles,  Melchior  de,  150  ff. 
Roe,  Sir  T.,  272,  285 
Romegas,  142 
Roustan,  M.,  307-9 

S 

Sahara,  14,  15 
Sale,  20,  23,  188  191 
Salih  Reis,  56,  57,  98,  103,  no, 
112 

Salih  Reis  (II.),  156,  185 
Salim,  45,  46,  49,  50 
Sandwich,  Lord,  272 
Sanson  Napolon,  254 
Saracens,  arts  of,  72 
Sardinia,  7,  24 

Sarmiento,  D.  Francisco,  105 
Scirocco( Mohammed  Shaluk),  175 
Selim  II.,  161 

Sevigne,  Mons.,  on  galley  slaves, 

217 
Sfax,  128 

Shaler,  W.,  293,  298 
Sherifs  of  Morocco,  22 


3*6 


INDEX. 


Shershel,  8,  19;  taken  by  Uruj 
Barbarossa,  46  ;  attacked  by 
Doria,  78  ;  219 

Ship  supersedes  galley,  229  ft'. 

Sicily,  7,  23,  24,  25 

Sinan  Pasha,  attacks  Malta,  136  ; 
and  Tripoli,  137 

Sinan  Reis,  56,  89,  98,  112 

Simeoni,  109 

Slaves  on  galleys,  39 

Soame,  Sir  YV.,  273 

Spain  and  Tunis,  258  ff. 

Spragg,  Sir  E.,  272 

Spratt,  Rev.  D.,  266 

Stradiotes,  65 

Suleyman  the  Magnificent,  60, 
72  ff.,  78,  82,  96-8,  104,  134, 
142,  143,  161 

Susa,  128 

Syrtes,  Greater,  16 

Sweden  and  Tunis,  258  ff. ,  295 

T 

Tabarka,  19,  43 
Tangiers,  16,  188 
Tartana,  231 
Temendefust,  121 
Tetwan,  188,  223-4 
Tierra  Nuova,  Duke  of,  192 
Tilimsan,  7,  51 
Timur,  66 

Tinnis,  19  ;  conquered  by  Uruj, 
Si 

Tipton,  John,  259 
Toledo,  D.  Garcia  de,  133 
Tongues  of  the  Order  of  St.  John, 

73,  137 
Torghud,  see  Dragul 
Torpedoes,  232 

Toulon  receives  Turkish  fleet, 
109 

Treaties  of  Commerce,  22 

Tripoli,  23,  274  ff,  294-5  ! 
(Illustr.)  281 

Tron,  Alexandro,  97 

Tunis,  7,  16,  20,  21,  23,  25,  32, 
85 ;  taken  by  Kheyr-ed-din, 
86  ;  retaken  by  Charles  V.,  86- 
93  ;  taken  by  Ochiali,  161  ; 
retaken  by  Don  John  of  Austria, 


178;  again  taken  by  Ochiali, 
182 ;  arrogance  of  the  Beys, 

257  ff,  Lord  Exmouth,  294-5  '> 
French  invasion,  307-310 

Tuni-,  Illustr.  of,  33,  87 
Turkey,  Story  of,  65,  66,  72,  78, 
82,  94,  138 

U 

United  States  and  Barbary  States, 

258  ff,  274-293 
Uruj,  see  Barbarossa 

V 

Vacher,  Jean  de,  263 
Valette,  de  la,  127,  142,  145  ff. 
Vargas,  D.  Martin  de,  58 
Vasquez,  168 

Venice,  23,  61  ff,  71  ff.,  94  ft". 
Venice,  Oriental  commerce  of,  72 
Venice,  Greek  islands,  97 
Veniero,  62,  173,  176 
Vera,  D.  Diego  de,  50 
Villiers,  Gaspard  de,  138 


W 

Wales,  Caroline,  Princess  of,  294-5 
Watts,  H.  E.,  on  Cervantes,  246-8 
Wer,  Captain,  226 
William  III.,  letter  to  'All  Reis, 
187 

V\  inchelsea,  Earl  of,  272 
Windus,  J.,  191  n. 

X 

Ximenes,  Cardinal,  50 

Y 

Vamboli,  104 
Yani,  66 

Z 

Zanne,  163 
Zante,  72 
Zeyris  of  Tunis,  21 
Ziyan,  dynasty,  21 


The  Story  of  the  Nations. 


Messrs.  G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS  take  pleasure  in 
announcing  that  they  have  in  course  of  publication  a 
series  of  historical  studies,  intended  to  present  in  a 
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THE  STORY  OF  GREECE.    Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 

ROME.    Arthur  Gilman. 
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CHALDEA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.    S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.    Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.    Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan  Hale. 
HUNGARY.    Prof.  A.  VAmbery. 
CARTHAGE.    Prof.  Alfred  J.  Church. 
THE  SARACENS.    Arthur  Oilman. 
THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.    Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
THE  NORMANS.    Sarah  Orne  Jewett. 
PERSIA.    S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 
ANCIENT  EGYPT.    Prof.  Geo.  Rawlinson. 
ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE.    Prof.  J.  P.  Mahaffy. 
ASSYRIA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
THE  GOTHS.    Henry  Bradley. 
IRELAND.    Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 
TURKEY.    Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
MEDIA,  BABYLON,  AND  PERSIA. 

Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
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HOLLAND.    Prof.  J.  Thorold  Rogers. 
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"  RUSSIA.    W.  R.  Morfill. 

"  VEDIC  INDIA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 

"  THE  THIRTEEN  COLONIES.    Helen  A.  Smith. 

"  MODERN  FRANCE.    Emily  Crawford. 

"  THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.    W.  D.  Morrison. 

"  CANADA.    A.  R.  Macfarlane. 

"  SCOTLAND.    James  Macintosh. 

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"    V. — Hebrew  Poetry.  » 
"  VI.— Hebrew  Wisdom. 

The  third  volume  will  comprise  the  selections  from  the  New  Testament, 

ai ranged  as  follows: 

I  — The  Gospel  according  to  St.  Mark,  Presenting  the  Evan- 
gelical Story  in  its  Simplest  Form  ;  Supplemented  by 
Selections  from  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke. 
II. — The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  with  some  Indication  of  the 
Probable  Place  of  the  Epistles  in  the  Narrative. 

III.  — The  Epistles  of  St.  James  and  the  First  Epistle  of  St.  Peter. 

IV.  — The  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

V. — The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 
VI. — The  Revelation  of  St.  John  (A  Portion). 
VII. — The  First  Epistle  of  St.  John. 
VIII. — The  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

Full  details  of  the  plan  of  the  undertaking,  and  of  the  methods  adopted 
by  the  editors  in  the  selection  and  arrangement  of  the  material,  will  be  found 
in  the  separate  prospectus. 

"  I  congratulate  you  on  the  issue  of  a  work  which,  I  am  sure,  will  find  a 
wide  welcome,  and  the  excellent  features  of  which  make  it  of  permanent 
value." — Rt.  Rev.  Henry  C.  Potter,  Bishop  of  New  York. 

"Should  prove  a  valuable  adjunct  of  Biblical  instruction." — Rt.  Rev.  W. 
E.  Stevens,  Bishop  of  Pennsylvania. 

"Admirably  conceived  and  admirably  executed.  ...  It  is  the  Bible 
story  in  Bible  words.  The  work  of  sell  ilarly  and  devout  men.  .  .  . 
Will  prove  a  help  to  Bible  study." — Rev.  Howard  Crosby,  D.D. 

"  We  know  of  no  volume  which  will  better  promote  an  intelligent 
understanding  of  the  structure  and  substance  of  the  Bible  than  this  work, 
prepared,  as  it  is,  by  competent  and  reverent  Christian  scholars." — Sunday- 
School  Times. 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

New  York :  London : 

27  and  29  west  23d  street  27  king  william  st.,  strand 


PAINTED  IN  U  *  * 


